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cations, and not have a case laid before
them? I think there never was a doubt,
on the minds of the law officers, that this
case could not be successfully prosecuted.
"Have the law officers of the crown
ever given such an opinion in writing?
No; I only speak from my intercourse
with them.

"Was it not your opinion that those
words should be laid before them in
writing, supposing there was evidence
that they had been used? No; I think
not. The circumstances were as fully
known to them as if a written case had
been submitted to them.

"Would not the way to ascertain these facts be to take the information of those persons? That, I think, must, in a great measure, depend upon the Attorney-General's considering whether there was any probability of proceeding in the case criminally. My belief is, that the Attorney-Genreal was of opinion that there was not a case upon which criminal proceedings could be taken.


Supposing the real question to be, whether there was a case on which to proceed criminally, does it not appear to you desirable that the truth of the case should be inquired into? I think not, judicially. The circumstances were sufficiently known to enable the law officers to decide, and I see no public end that could be gained by further inquiry, if the case was not followed up.

"Was Sir Michael O'Loghlen the Attorney-General at that time? I think it must have been either Mr. Richards or Mr. Woulfe.

"With whom had you communication
respecting the indictableness of the words?
With the Attorney or Solicitor-Gene-
ral ; I am not certain which. It is the
habit of one or the other to call at the

Castle every day. If the Attorney-
General is absent, the Solicitor-General


"In that conversation was this point
brought to the notice of the law officers
-the point that Mr. Vignoles had told
the lord lieutenant that he was ready to
swear to the words having been used? I
will not undertake to say their attention
was very particularly called to that. It
was to be taken for granted that Mr.
Vignoles would have no hesitation in do-
ing so, inasmuch as it is considered that
every magistrate who makes a declaration
of fact is prepared to swear to it when

And of this nature was the consulta-
tion :-

I promise to give you, dear Titty,
My brooch and my bonnie black hen,
Gin ye will advise me to pity
The lad I love dear, my Tam Glen.


Yes, Sir-could we form a written statement of the professional consultations, this I have no doubt would be its character. I can almost fancy the process. Our Scottish fellow-subjects are of a deeply poetical temperament. I re member once travelling in company with one well known'and much loved by many here-James Edward Gordon. I had long known him as a strong wrestler for the truth-a man of vigorous understanding, keen sagacity, and reasoning powers of a high order. I did not know that he had cultivated the lighter graces of literature in his course of study. I was undeceived when I accompanied him into the scenes of his early life. The power of the hills came over him, and his mind and memory turned out their treasures-snatches of old border minstrelsy, anecdotes of romantic adventure, bursts of bold patriotism, and golden gleams of poesy, all came out in generous profusion, and taught me that until then I had not known my friend. Mr. Drummond may have his hidden poetry too-and I can conjecture how it misled him. When he heard the charge against Mr. O'Connell he resolved to be severe. That gentleman was a magistrate. He resolved to learn what magistrates should do, and how they should be treated. He sent for "Burns' Justice of the Peace," and that fantastic ncbody within his chambers, who has wrought mischief so often, remembered his frolicsome vocations on this occasion, too, and sent him "Burns's Poems." At first Mr. Drummond did not clearly understand; but when, in turning over the leaves, he fell upon the song or story from which I have quotedhe interpreted the allegory, and was counselled by it. The maiden consulting her sister as to a marriage of the heart or reason was Lord Normanby between the claims of justice and of Mr. O'Connell, and the consultation with the law officers ended in proper form, with a recommendation "to be pitiful."

We do trust that the champion of Irish Protestants will not rest satisfied with the exposure which he has already made of the shuffling and equivocating defence which has been set up for the Irish government; but that he will do has been taken before the committee, for the whole of the evidence which what he and Dr. Phelan did for the evidence in 1825, and render it impossible for the simplest or the most credulous to be deceived by the glozing plausibilities which have been put forward.

We repeat it, the people, the masses, only require to be rightly informed, in

order both to think justly and to act constitutionally, in the great struggle now going on in the political world be tween the powers of good and evil. As we stated, in a previous part of this paper, the middle and the humbler classes only require to be rightly instructed, in order to be all that we could desire. Let the enlightened Conservatives but do their duty by them, and they will yet be found to be the most devoted and intrepid conservators of social order. Many things have hitherto, contributed to mislead them. Ignorance, basely pandered to by the mountebanks and profligates who have made them their tools. The most audacious and flagitious misrepresentations. A tone of timidity and compromise on the part of the defenders of our institutions which amounted to a virtual surrender of the principles upon which alone they can be maintained.* The abuse of church patronage, and the want of church accommodation; by which the people have been assigned, for spiritual instruction, to incompetent guides; or, left altogether, in hundreds of thou sands of instances, without any spiritual guidance. The multiplication, and the mischievous activity, of malignant, as contradistinguished to, pious and conscientious dissenters. All these causes have long been in operation; and it is not to be wondered at that they should have been extensively influential in deteriorating the character of our people, and predisposing them to act at the suggestion of the anarchist, the infidel, and the incendiary, until all the foundations of society are out of course. Indeed, we are only surprised that the evil is not more extensive than it is; and so far from despairing of being able to find a remedy, we feel persuaded, that, if the Conservative leaders actively bestir themselves, a remedy, and an effectual one, may easily be found, by which the masses of our population may be reclaimed, and turned from courses which, as they

may be easily made to see, can only tend to the dishonour of God, and terminate in the destruction of their country.

We have before us, this moment, a number of the Scottish Guardian, containing a report of a speech delivered by Mr. Colquhoun, before his constituents at Kilmarnock, and the following passage so entirely falls in with the above remarks, that we cannot resist the gratification of presenting it to our readers. He thus speaks of the Chartists:


"You all remember the opinion expressed-not by the Chartists merely, but by other classes of politicians who hold with them, that we ought to make great and extensive alterations in the Reform Bill. When such a proposal is made, there are two courses which statesmen ought to follow. The one is, to say we think the Reform Bill is sufficient, and will maintain it the other is, to say that it is deficient, and we will alter it. But there is another course, which is neither "fish nor flesh," but a tepid and lukewarm course, which I cannot really for the life of me understand; but, strange to say, that course some parties in the state have thought fit to adopt. They say we don't want any alteration in the Reform Billwe think it very good-we don't wish it changed; but a large body of the people demand a change, and although we think a change will be very mischievous, we must stop their mouths-we must give them a little-throw a tub to the whalewe must accompany the movement for a short time, and keep them quiet with promises which we never mean to perform. Lord John Russell seems to think with many of us, that the Reform Bill ought not to undergo any alteration. pamphlet published during the present year, he says of the Reform Bill-" A new Reform Bill, whether the suffrage were household or universal, would do nothing toward the cure of evils which belong to a populous country; but the excitement of a new agitation would go far to shake the stability of property, and make law the servant of disorder.

* An instance of the manner in which this cause operates, lately occurred to the writer of this paper in the city of Glasgow. He was conversing with a merchant, of no ordinary intelligence, and of sterling honesty, but, unhappily, leavened with Whig politics, respecting the Dublin corporation; and nothing could disabuse his friend of the opinion that that body was a sink of corruption. He was asked to specify any instance in which such corruption could be proved; but he contented himself with saying that the corporation was now given up by its friends; that they had agreed to its extinction; and that that was enough to satisfy him that its enormities must be altogether indefensible. And there are few who will not admit that there was a degree of plausibility in this most groundless inference, by which a good man might well be deceived.

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says that any change, or the precursor of any change, whether ballot or extension of the suffrage, all these, he thinks, would be accompanied with danger. But what does he do? He associates himself with the very men who think that these changes are indispensable; and when vacancies occur in the Cabinet, he takes in those very individuals who hold opinions in favour of the ballot and extended suffrage-measures which he says would be prejudicial to the country. Various of the Government prints, and Mr. O'Connell in Ireland, have of late been launching out against the Chartists as the enemies of property and the subverters of the present state of things. I don't profess to agree with the Chartist party in their demands. I have never concealed my hostility to them. When a very worthy gentleman put some questions to me here last year, he asked how I should receive a Chartist delegation in London. I said that I would receive them with the respect due to any men sent on a public mission, but that in every way in my power I would oppose their measures. I don't say whether I was right or wrong in holding this opinion, but holding it, I was bound, as an honest man, to avow it. Thinking that the Reform bill has secured the rights and privi. leges of the people of this country, I never will consent either to restrict or extend its operation; and on this ground, as an honest man, I considered it my duty to give them a final and irrevocable negative. Well, then, that is what I conceive to be the honest, if not the prudent course; but when I hear the Government prints launching out against the Chartists as a pack of mad dogs, and the plunderers of other men's property, I venture to say that I don't think so unfavourably of them, or of any large class of people of this country. I do not mean to say that there are not many of the leaders in that unfortunate agitation whose views are not in a high degree culpable, because they ought to have known better things. There are among the Chartists designing men, who are misleading others; but when you ask me if all those in England and Scotland embarked in the cause of the Charter, are designing men, bent on plunder and disorder, I am free to say that I do not entertain that opinion; I think them ardently attached to liberty, although they are led away by the strong protestations of men who are not actuated by the same honest feelings. But as to lumping them among the Repealers of Ireland, and putting their cause on a level with the Repeal agitation against the religion and the liberties of England-for Mr. O'Connell to say they are unworthy to be associated with the Repealers-I say I indignantly deny the assertion; I

say they are as far superior to the Repealers, and as much distinguished from them in their ultimate views and designs, as it is possible for any one class of men and one class of objects to be from another. Therefore, gentlemen, I would argue with the Chartists on the imprudence of their plans; I would not assail them with intemperate attacks; I would reason with them, and show that their designs are inconsistent with the framework of our constitution, and the interests of a wellordered society; but I repeat that I would not denounce them as the common ene. mies of those interests. But what has been the conduct of government in regard of this party? While they have condemned their proceedings in the most unqualified manner, they have not hesitated to encourage them. In last autumn, Lord John Russell, at a meeting in Liverpool, referring to the Chartist agitation, said that the party were quite right to meet for the discussion of what they conceived to be their grievances, and that he wished to see the people meeting together and expressing their opinions on public matters. I ventured, when I addressed my constituents at Port-Glasgow last autumn, to predict that this speech of Lord John Russell's would have a most mischievous effect, and that it would, as the event has proved, give new vigour to the Chartist agitation. Then government have given their sanction to some of the most violent Chartist leaders, by putting them into responsible offices. The mayor of Bolton is a Chartist; so are some of the magistrates of Birmingham; and, when the Chartists see their leading men thus countenanced and patronized by the government, what are they to think but that the government, who thus nod and wink them to come on, are favourable to their designs; and then, when the people have plunged into excesses, the government bring against them the arm of the law. I say it would be infinitely better if government had proceeded in a temperate course-it would have been infinitely better if, instead of encouraging them by putting their leading men into the magistracy and the commission of the peace, they had discouraged and deterred those men engaged in this agitation; and, above all, if they had discountenanced the agitation for organic change, which was merely a precursor to the charter."

This is true wisdom. Thus, and thus only should these misguided men be dealt with. But we would even go farther than the honourable member, and say, that by a similar course, the repealers also, might be turned from the errors of their ways. But here, we confess, there is a difficulty,

for these men must be taken out of popery, before they can be securely entrenched within the limits of the constitution.

But the ruffians of the press, and of the hustings, and of the platform-how are they to be dealt with? We do not propose that any reclaiming process should be adopted with regard to them. Neither would we put any constraint upon them. But we call upon the ad. vocates of truth and of sound policy, to be as energetic and as indefatigable in disabusing the public mind, as these men are in misleading it, and the result must be a loss of influence which must very soon render them harmless.

Only let the miscreants, who are hired by the present officials, persevere in defending the iniquitous course which was pursued in the prosecution, or rather persecution, of Abraham Sly, the infamous proceedings adopted towards Captain Vignolles, the flagrant injustice done to Colonel Verner, as contrasted with the guilty connivance at Mr. O'Connell's words of treason; and when the truth upon all these subjects is made fully known, the wretches by whom the masses were mystified will no longer find their account in the propagation of falsehood and slander.

The most credulous of their dupes are not deliberate murderers. The most violent of their partizans are yet not shamelessly opposed to every principle of fair play. By ignorance, by folly, by fatuity, they may be characterised; but not by deliberate wickedness, or an outrageous disregard of truth and justice. We say, therefore, that they are reclaimable, and that it will be our own faults if they be not reclaimed. Hitherto, they have been too much neglected. Conservatives viewed them as natural enemies; and seemed to consider their pestilent principles as ineradicable as the dusky colour which distinguishes the Ethiopian. But this was a most erroneous persuasion. Many and many a thorough-going Radical have we seen sobered into a sound politician; and if the course which we feel proud at having the high sanction of Mr. Colquhoun for now recommending, be universally followed, a very few years will make such a change in the relative position of the two great parties, that the one will be as triumphant as its principles are lofty and pure, and the other as contemptible and as prostrate, as its views are low, its professions false, its principles base, and its proceedings disgraceful.

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BY E. M. II.


Thou younger sister regal-eyed, of her
"The eternal city" named!-how like a trance,
Brought back from days of rapturous romance,
Was that first hour to me, when thou didst stir
My whole soul in me! Thou didst disinter
All gorgeous visions, buried 'neath the advance
Of life's cold tide, and with thy lustrous glance
The intense enchantment, only thine, confer.
Child of the Sun! who yet hast willed to deck
Thine Orient brow with that fair gem of Night-
The crescent moon. Ah! exquisite Stamboul!
Must thou with Rome bow down, and sit a wreck
Upon thy seven-hilled throne? must despot might
Tread down thy pride, and o'er thy beauty rule ?

Righteous thy doom! for thou didst tread down one
More beautiful than thee-the heaven-beloved-
The holy city!—with a heart unmoved
Thou didst behold her anguish ;-it is done!
Her warfare is accomplished-thine begun.
Rome's eagle-eye hath lost its fire; and thou!
Sorrow and fear are on thy queenly brow-
The death-winged pestilence hath made thy sun
Seem dark at noon-day; and a morning soon
Comes that shall quench for aye thy crescent moon.
And all earth's nations in thy doom shall share,
That hate Jerusalem; for she shall rise,
And shine-with light too terrible to bear-
On haughty unbelief's blaspheming eyes.


Heart-stirring region! shall thy hills ere long
Wake from that solemn slumber sweet and deep,
As when (while eve's voluptuous glow would steep
Their purple silence) I have sat among

The cypress-glooms, and heard the river's song
Through that funereal darkness softly creep?
And shall thy quiet skies that never weep
One summer tear, the splendid hours to wrong,
Soon, at the far reverberated roar

Of war's deep echoes 'mid those mountains old,
Wear their own look of azure peace no more
Above that vine-wreathed city by the shore,*
That nymph-like sits 'neath the grey fortress bold,
Laving her snowy feet in liquid gold?

Oft in foreboding visions, I can see
More than the stately-moving camel-train ;
Or noble-hearted Moslem's calm disdain

Of the false Christian-like thy Judas-tree,

Whose roseate blossoms seem to flush with glee

Spring's brilliant cheek; but on whose boughs remain,
And in whose name, a never-dying stain-

The apostate's far recorded infamy!


• Smyrna.

2 Q

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