order both to think justly and to act constitutionally, in the great struggle now going on in the political world be tween the powers of good and evil. As we stated, in a previous part of this paper, the middle and the humbler classes only require to be rightly instructed, in order to be all that we could desire. Let the enlightened Conservatives but do their duty by them, and they will yet be found to be the most devoted and intrepid conservators of social order. Many things have hitherto, contributed to mislead them. Ignorance, basely pandered to by the mountebanks and profligates who have made them their tools. The most audacious and flagitious misrepresentations. A tone of timidity and compromise on the part of the defenders of our institutions which amounted to a virtual surrender of the principles upon which alone they can be maintained.* The abuse of church patronage, and the want of church accommodation; by which the people have been assigned, for spiritual instruction, to incompetent guides; or, left altogether, in hundreds of thou sands of instances, without any spiritual guidance. The multiplication, and the mischievous activity, of malignant, as contradistinguished to, pious and conscientious dissenters. All these causes have long been in operation; and it is not to be wondered at that they should have been extensively influential in deteriorating the character of our people, and predisposing them to act at the suggestion of the anarchist, the infidel, and the incendiary, until all the foundations of society are out of course. Indeed, we are only surprised that the evil is not more extensive than it is; and so far from despairing of being able to find a remedy, we feel persuaded, that, if the Conservative leaders actively bestir themselves, a remedy, and an effectual one, may easily be found, by which the masses of our population may be reclaimed, and turned from courses which, as they

may be easily made to see, can only tend to the dishonour of God, and terminate in the destruction of their country.

We have before us, this moment, a number of the Scottish Guardian, containing a report of a speech delivered by Mr. Colquhoun, before his constituents at Kilmarnock, and the following passage so entirely falls in with the above remarks, that we cannot resist the gratification of presenting it to our readers. He thus speaks of the Chartists:

"You all remember the opinion expressed-not by the Chartists merely, but by other classes of politicians who hold with them, that we ought to make great and extensive alterations in the Reform Bill. When such a proposal is made, there are two courses which statesmen ought to follow. The one is, to say we think the Reform Bill is sufficient, and will maintain it the other is, to say that it is deficient, and we will alter it. But there is another course, which is neither "fish nor flesh," but a tepid and lukewarm course, which I cannot really for the life of me understand; but, strange to say, that course some parties in the state have thought fit to adopt. They say we don't want any alteration in the Reform Billwe think it very good-we don't wish it changed; but a large body of the people demand a change, and although we think a change will be very mischievous, we must stop their mouths-we must give them a little-throw a tub to the whalewe must accompany the movement for a short time, and keep them quiet with promises which we never mean to perform. Lord John Russell seems to think with many of us, that the Reform Bill ought not to undergo any alteration. pamphlet published during the present year, he says of the Reform Bill-" A new Reform Bill, whether the suffrage were household or universal, would do nothing toward the cure of evils which belong to a populous country; but the excitement of a new agitation would go far to shake the stability of property, and make law the servant of disorder.

says that any change, or the precursor of any change, whether ballot or extension of the suffrage, all these, he thinks, would be accompanied with danger. But what does he do? He associates himself with the very men who think that these changes are indispensable; and when vacancies occur in the Cabinet, he takes in those very individuals who hold opinions in favour of the ballot and extended suffrage-measures which he says would be prejudicial to the country. Various of the Government prints, and Mr. O'Connell in Ireland, have of late been launching out against the Chartists as the enemies of property and the subverters of the present state of things. I don't profess to agree with the Chartist party in their demands. I have never concealed my hostility to them. When a very worthy gentleman put some questions to me here last year, he asked how I should receive a Chartist delegation in London. I said that I would receive them with the respect due to any men sent on a public mission, but that in every way in my power I would oppose their measures. I don't say whether I was right or wrong in holding this opinion, but holding it, I was bound, as an honest man, to avow it. Thinking that the Reform bill has secured the rights and privi. leges of the people of this country, I never will consent either to restrict or extend its operation; and on this ground, as an honest man, I considered it my duty to give them a final and irrevocable negative. Well, then, that is what I conceive to be the honest, if not the prudent course; but when I hear the Government prints launching out against the Chartists as a pack of mad dogs, and the plunderers of other men's property, I venture to say that I don't think so unfavourably of them, or of any large class of people of this country. I do not mean to say that there are not many of the leaders in that unfortunate agitation whose views are not in a high degree culpable, because they ought to have known better things. There are among the Chartists designing men, who are misleading others; but when you ask me if all those in England and Scotland embarked in the cause of the Charter, are designing men, bent on plunder and disorder, I am free to say that I do not entertain that opinion; I think them ardently attached to liberty, although they are led away by the strong protestations of men who are not actuated by the same honest feelings. But as to lumping them among the Repealers of Ireland, and putting their cause on a level with the Repeal agitation against the religion and the liberties of England-for Mr. O'Connell to say they are unworthy to be associated with the Repealers-I say I indignantly deny the assertion; I

say they are as far superior to the Repealers, and as much distinguished from them in their ultimate views and designs, as it is possible for any one class of men and one class of objects to be from another. Therefore, gentlemen, I would argue with the Chartists on the imprudence of their plans; I would not assail them with intemperate attacks; I would reason with them, and show that their designs are inconsistent with the framework of our constitution, and the interests of a wellordered society; but I repeat that I would not denounce them as the common ene. mies of those interests. But what has been the conduct of government in regard of this party? While they have condemned their proceedings in the most unqualified manner, they have not hesitated to encourage them. In last autumn, Lord John Russell, at a meeting in Liverpool, referring to the Chartist agitation, said that the party were quite right to meet for the discussion of what they conceived to be their grievances, and that he wished to see the people meeting together and expressing their opinions on public matters. I ventured, when I addressed my constituents at Port-Glasgow last autumn, to predict that this speech of Lord John Russell's would have a most mischievous effect, and that it would, as the event has proved, give new vigour to the Chartist agitation. Then government have given their sanction to some of the most violent Chartist leaders, by putting them into responsible offices. The mayor of Bolton is a Chartist; so are some of the magistrates of Birmingham; and, when the Chartists see their leading men thus countenanced and patronized by the government, what are they to think but that the government, who thus nod and wink them to come on, are favourable to their designs; and then, when the people have plunged into excesses, the government bring against them the arm of the law. I say it would be infinitely better if government had proceeded in a temperate course-it would have been infinitely better if, instead of encouraging them by putting their leading men into the magistracy and the commission of the peace, they had discouraged and deterred those men engaged in this agitation; and, above all, if they had discountenanced the agitation for organic change, which was merely a precursor to the charter."

This is true wisdom. Thus, and thus only should these misguided men be dealt with. But we would even go farther than the honourable member, and say, that by a similar course, the repealers also, might be turned from the errors of their ways. But here, we confess, there is a difficulty,

for these men must be taken out of popery, before they can be securely entrenched within the limits of the constitution.

But the ruffians of the press, and of the hustings, and of the platform-how are they to be dealt with? We do not propose that any reclaiming process should be adopted with regard to them. Neither would we put any constraint upon them. But we call upon the ad. vocates of truth and of sound policy, to be as energetic and as indefatigable in disabusing the public mind, as these men are in misleading it, and the result must be a loss of influence which must very soon render them harmless.

Only let the miscreants, who are hired by the present officials, persevere in defending the iniquitous course which was pursued in the prosecution, or rather persecution, of Abraham Sly, the infamous proceedings adopted towards Captain Vignolles, the flagrant injustice done to Colonel Verner, as contrasted with the guilty connivance at Mr. O'Connell's words of treason; and when the truth upon all these subjects is made fully known, the wretches by whom the masses were mystified will no longer find their account in the propagation of falsehood and slander.

The most credulous of their dupes are not deliberate murderers. The most violent of their partizans are yet not shamelessly opposed to every principle of fair play. By ignorance, by folly, by fatuity, they may be characterised; but not by deliberate wickedness, or an outrageous disregard of truth and justice. We say, therefore, that they are reclaimable, and that it will be our own faults if they be not reclaimed. Hitherto, they have been too much neglected. Conservatives viewed them as natural enemies; and seemed to consider their pestilent principles as ineradicable as the dusky colour which distinguishes the Ethiopian. But this was a most erroneous persuasion. Many and many a thorough-going Radical have we seen sobered into a sound politician; and if the course which we feel proud at having the high sanction of Mr. Colquhoun for now recommending, be universally followed, a very few years will make such a change in the relative position of the two great parties, that the one will be as triumphant as its principles are lofty and pure, and the other as contemptible and as prostrate, as its views are low, its professions false, its principles base, and its proceedings disgraceful.