tion meeting, and made violent agitation speeches. He has evidently never mixed in society above that of a station dinner, imbued with intense hatred of Protestantism, reckless in his assertions, unmeasured in his slanders, a servile adulator of O'Connell and his unpaid election agent-nay more, as we gather from several passages of his book, profoundly ignorant of his pro

fession; if with these qualifications he has not been promoted to the barrister's bench, he has been scandalously overlooked; and if he be not, as most probably he will be, among the very first promotions to that station, Lord Ebringtou will certainly not be able to boast that he has trodden in the steps of his predecessor.

FORMERLY journeys to Turkey were, like angel's visits, few and far between, and our acquaintance with the country and the reigning sovereign was as little as our knowledge of Prester John and his territories. A man who had visited Constantinople was looked upon with as much awe and respect as a palmer, with a cockle in his hat, from the Holy Land, and a writer on the country did not appear more than once in a century. But now, " novus nascitur ordo:" no

man thinks he has made a tour worth speaking of unless it extends to the Moslem as well as the Christian City of Seven Hills. The road to the former, is even more frequented than that to the latter and has, to use Falstaff's proverb, become as common as the road between London and St. Alban's; so that the men and things of this once mysterious city are now as well known to us as those of London or Paris. But besides our more intimate acquaintance, the peculiar situation of Turkey has, of late years, given it an extraordinary degree of interest, and the attention of Europe has been often called to the efforts of the late Sultan-the greatest genius she has counted among her sovereigns since Peter the Great, and at the same time the most sorely beset with unmerited troubles who had sat upon a throne since the last Constantine. The reformation of the Turks, the separation of Egypt, the revival of the independence of Greece, and the progress of the power of Russia, are events of such importance in the history of the world, that a brief notice of the monarch in whose empire and reign they occurred cannot fail of being acceptable to our readers.

Mahmoud II. was the son of Abdul Hamet Khan. He was born in 1788, and was one of a large family consisting of fifteen brothers and as many sisters, though he lived to be the only survivor. His mother was of French extraction,

and probably to this circumstance is to be traced nis early predilection for European institutions. At the time of his father's death he was an infant, and his cousin Selim was called to the vacant throne. An attempt was made by Selim to introduce a system of discipline in the Turkish army, but it provoked an insurrection of the Janissaries; he was deposed, and his cousin Mustapha, Mahmoud's brother, succeeded him. The brief career of this cruel and narrow-minded man was closed by the revolution, which placed Mahmoud on the throne.

Mustapha Bairactar, Pacha of Rudshuk, was the author of this second change. He had been originally a "Bairactar," or standard-bearer, and, with the honest pride of a Turk, retained the name of his original vocation, though now elevated to the highest rank in the state. He was passionately attached to his former master, the mild and enlightened Selim; and, learning that, although deposed, he was still alive in the seraglio, he determined to reinstate him. He collected an army, and contrived pretexts for lulling the suspicions of Mustapha till it was encamped on the plains of Daud Pasha, before Constantinople; and on the 28th of July, 1808, when the Sultan was enjoying his favourite recreation of fishing on the Bosphorus, Bairactar rushed with a strong body of his troops to the seraglio. He thundered at the gates, and fiercely demanded that Selim should be restored to liberty; and when no reply was made, he proceeded to force an entrance. At this critical moment Mustapha, apprised of his danger, landed and entered the gardens of the seraglio at one side, while Bairactar was forcing a passage through the other. He immediately issued orders to some eunuchs to murder Selim, and in answer to Bairactar's demand, opened the gates and threw

the corpse before him, informing him that was the person whom he sought. This bloody policy was, however, unavailing. His fierce assailants, though frustrated in their immediate design, were rendered doubly indignant at the murder of their favourite, and determined, at all hazards, to depose his murderer. The only obstacle could be the want of a successor, and the only remaining heir of sufficient age was Mahmoud. Mustapha, knowing this, had consigned him to the same fate as Selim, but the eunuchs sent to execute the order could no where find their intended victim. A slave who was much attached to him, had, at the first alarm, concealed him in the furnace of a bath, and he was taken by Bairactar from his hiding-place to be seated on the throne. His investiture as Sultan took place in August following; Mustapha Bairactar became his vizier, and punished, with unsparing severity, all concerned in the deposition or death of Selim.

It did not require much ingenuity to discover that the new Sultan and his minister had every thing to fear from the vengeance of the Janissaries, whose affection for Mustapha equalled their hatred of Selim. Bairactar well knew that his success had arisen from their want of power and not of will to oppose him, nor had he any defence against them now, except the army of Albanians, who had followed him to Constantinople, and whose continued residence in the city could not fail to render him generally unpopular. He

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once determined, therefore, on carrying out the plan of reforming the army, and with this view convoked an assembly of the principal pachas, who unanimously sanctioned a plan for reviving the ancient order of troops, called Siemens, with this addition, however, that they should use European accoutrements and discipline. corps was accordingly formed, but became, if possible, still more odious than Selim's troops had been, in the eyes of the Janissaries, since the Siemens claimed to belong to an institution more ancient than their own, and so insulted their pride as well as restrained their power. They therefore resolved on the ruin of the author of the innovation, and the consequence was the most terrific commotion that had convulsed Constantinople since its Occupation by the Turks.

Success had made the vizier careless, and he had for some time dis

pensed with the attendance of the greater part of his Albanian troops. It was now the feast of the Bairam, and Ottoman etiquette required him to pay a visit of state to the Mufti; and having discharged this ceremony, he returned to his palace and freely resigned himself to the pleasures of wine and his harem. This was the time chosen by his enemies. As night approached, every effort was made to excite the populace, and the Janissaries assembled by thousands from their respective ortas and surrounded the vizier's residence on every side. They then set fire to the adjacent houses, and the flames soon spread to the palace. Bairactar was awakened only to become sensible of his awful situation. The roaring of the flames-the screams of the women-the cries of the guards and attendants, who were every where massacred the instant they appeared-the groans of the dying and the yells of their savage assailants told the terrible truth. What measures he took for his safety are not known; it is supposed he took refuge in a tower in his palace, the strength of which he hoped would be sufficient to resist the flames. The following night a violent explosion shook the city, and it was found that the magazine under the vizier's palace had been blown upwhether purposely or not was never known-and the whole had become one mass of smoking ruins. The commotion, however, did not end here. The Capitan Pacha was determined to revenge the vizier's death; and spreading a report that Bairactar had escaped, he posted 4,000 men to watch the Janissaries at Scutari, and encouraged the newly raised Siemens to attack those in Constantinople; and on the 15th of November commenced a series of the most bloody assaults—while various districts of the city were set on fire, whenever the flames could answer the purpose of a momentary protection or a means of attack. At length victory began to declare in favour of the Janissaries, and they loudly demanded the restoration of Mustapha. This decided his fate, and he perished by the same policy which had induced him to murder his predecessor. The death of Mustapha, and the discovery of Bairactar's corpse next day, among the ruins of his palace, showed each party that the object they sought was unattainable, and a partial cessation of violence on the 19th of November gave Mahmoud an opportunity of announcing

to the Janissaries that the order of the Siemens was abolished. This concession induced them to return to their allegiance, and the last outrage was the butchery of 500 of the devoted corps of the Siemens by the Janissaries, in their barracks at Scutari. Thus ended this frightful series of revolutions, which, in the space of eighteen months, had cost the lives of two Sultans and about 30,000 of their subjects.

The harem of a deceased Sultan is never entered by his successor, but the females are always sent to another residence, where they are supported by the state till their death, and there is a building called Eski Serai, or the old palace, erected by Mahomet II. for this purpose. On the death of Mustapha his harem was to be thus removed to make way for that of his brother. This change is usually made very early in the day, in order to be as private as possible; and before dawn one morning they all issued from the garden of the seraglio, and were received in caiques to convey them to their destination. Instead, however, of proceeding to the Eski Serai, they were rowed to the Prince's Islands, about fourteen miles distant, where they were all thrown into the sea. The number who thus perished is not known. It is even doubted whether all were put to death, or those only who were supposed to be pregnant-an act of bloody policy not unprecedented, the example of which was set by Mahomet III. Nor is the mystery likely ever to be solved; thousands of men had lost their lives in the late revolution, and in such a, scene of carnage the death of a few hundreds of women was far too contemptible a matter to excite the curiosity of a Turk, so no inquiries were made. This act of cruelty left Mahmoud certain of continuing the only surviving heir to the throne, and enabled him ever afterwards successfully to meet the excitement which his opposition to the prejudices of his people created, and which would have speedily terminated his career, had there been one of the prophet's family ready to succeed him.

The loss of Bairactar had now thrown the Sultan altogether on his own resources, and his earliest measures displayed the same energy that characterised every subsequent act of his reign. The war with Russia, on the northern frontier, had been languidly protracted during the two preceding reigns; this Mahmoud determined to

decide at once. He raised the standard of the prophet at Daud Pasha, and issued a "hatta sheriff," or proclamation in his own handwriting, calling on all sincere Mussulmen to rally round it. He soon assembled a large army, and appointed as his new vizier Ahmed Aga, a man of the same energy as himself. He immediately marched northward, and soon drove the Russians from their position on the south of the Danube. His brilliant success did not, however, continue. He allowed the Russians to surprise his camp, and notwithstanding that his troops fought with the greatest obstinacy and fierceness, he suffered a complete defeat, and eventually the loss of a large portion of his army. But enough had been done to show the energy and strength which the Porte was capable of exerting, and as Russia was then threatened with the French invasion, his critical situation induced the Emperor to come to an accommodation, which the exhausted state of Turkey made no less acceptable to the Sultan, and this long protracted war was concluded in 1812, by the treaty of Bucharest.

Beside the Russian war, the indecision and insecurity of the two last Sultans had suffered the provinces of the empire to continue in a state of the greatest insubordination. Many of the pachas and governors acted like independent monarchs, and some openly declared themselves to be so. If this state of things continued, it was evident the total disorganization of the empire must be the consequence. Mahmoud, therefore, being now at peace with every foreign power, applied himself to the reduction of his rebellious subjects. The death of Paswin Oglu gave a new governor to Widdin, and restored it to the authority of the Sultan. Czerni Georges, who had erected an independent principality in Servia, was expelled after fifteen years of bloodshed, and being afterwards discovered in the Turkish dominions by the officers of the Porte, was dragged before the Pacha of Belgrade, and executed. But there were others whose reduction was a task of greater difficulty, who deserve to be more particularly mentioned; such were Abdallah Ebn Sahoud and Ali Pacha.

Since the days of Mahomet the territory of Mecca and Medina had been always held by his followers the most

sacred portion of the earth. They are the Jerusalem and Loretto of the Mussulman, and a pilgrimage to the birth-place or tomb of the prophet is the greatest act of piety which he is capable of performing. But the souls of the faithful had for many years been debarred the benefit of this pious exercise. The tribe of the Wahabees had got possession of the holy district, and they strictly prohibited all pilgrimages. Sahoud Abdallah, their chief, had extended his incursions even as far as Bagdad. The Imaums of Sura and Muscat were his tributaries; he appointed the governor of the islands of Bahrein; and even the Schah of Persia acknowledged his dignity, and propitiated his favour by costly presents. When it was determined to reduce this powerful chief, Mehemet Ali, the Pacha of Egypt, undertook the task, and began it by sending the Arab the following characteristic message:"That he was about to despatch his son, Ibrahim Pacha, with a numerous army, who would ruin the countryexterminate the inhabitants-leave not one stone upon another of his capital Derayeh, and lead himself, dead or alive, to Constantinople." In pursuance of this threat, in September, 1816, Ibrahim quitted Egypt with an army under his command, and having in six days after anchored in the port of Jambo with his flotilla from Suez, marched to the city of Medina. Sahoud Abdallah had, meantime, levied a force of 30,000 men, and the contest was vigorously supported for two years, during which period the skill and vigor of Ibrahim gradually reduced the resources of the Arab, until at length, in April, 1818, the Egyptians laid siege to the city of Derayeh. After a defence of five months, further resistance was found hopeless, and the unfortunate Sovereign determined to make the best terms he could. Ibrahim was not authorized by his father to come to any accommodation unless his vanquished enemy would surrender himself to be brought to Constantinople, but received him with great kindness and assurances of his own good offices. The once powerful Abdallah was now reduced to a state of utter helplessness, and though he must have known how little dependence was to be placed on the mercy of his conquerors, the kindness of Ibrahim persuaded him to submit to his terms. Accordingly he was sent to Egypt, and presented to the viceroy there. Some costly presents engaged

his interest, and he joined with his son Ibrahim in interceding for the Arab's pardon, when he sent him forward a prisoner to Constantinople. The Porte, however, was inexorable; and the illfated Abdallah, after being paraded through the streets with the companions who had accompanied him from Derayeh, was beheaded in front of St. Sophia. This important conquest, in which the Egyptian viceroy had fulfilled to a letter his original threat, beside opening the passage for pilgrims to Mecca, re-united the two rich provinces of Nedged and El Harig to the Sultan's empire.

Though, perhaps, not of equal importance to the Sultan, yet more talked of in Europe was the fall of Tepeleni Ali, pacha of Yanina. This extraordinary man is well known in England by the writings of Lord Byron. By a course of the most wily policy, and the most daring courage, he had become by far the most powerful of the European vassals of the Porte. Albania and Epirus were united under his command, and his influence extended throughout the whole of continental Greece from the ridge of Parnes to the mountains of Illyricum. Veli Vizir, one of his sons, governed the Morea. Mouctar Pacha, another son, ruled in Thessaly; and a grandson was Bey of Trikala. He knew the Porte had long been jealous of his power, and he now became particularly suspicious of Ismael Pacha, who had once acted as his confidential agent to give him secret information of their transactions. He therefore commissioned the two Albanians, who were the bearers of his next dispatches, to murder this man before they left Constantinople. For some reason or other he suspected Ali's intentions; and when the couriers, as usual, called at his house before leaving the city, instead of opening the gate, he answered them from a window above, and demanded their letters. They immediately fired at him from below, and wounded him severely, though they did not kill him. They then galloped into the country, and were suffered to pass unnoticed, as Tartar couriers always travel at that pace. One of them was afterwards overtaken and executed; but the other escaped, and brought tidings of their failure to his master.

For this attempted assassination a firmaun was issued, depriving Ali of his province; but knowing his own strength, he refused to obey it. An

army was then sent against him, under the command of Hourschid Pacha. The struggle continued for. two years, till at length, after various vicissitudes, Ali was driven to take refuge in a part of the citadel of Yanina, with only fifty men, who had remained faithful to him to the last. The retreat thus chosen was a building of three stories: the upper was occupied by Ali and his suite; the second contained his treasures, which were supposed to be immense; and the floor below was filled with gunpowder and combustibles, ready to explode at a moment's warning. From this place of security Ali was allured by the wily Hourschid Pacha, and induced by his promises to trust himself to his protection. He was to remain in a small island in a lake near the town till an answer should be returned from Constantinople, which was to decide his fate. His submission to his enemies was not, however, unqualified. He left behind him a man to act according to circumstances-if the messengers brought back assurances of safety for himself and his companions, every thing was to be given up; if not, to be blown into the air. The person who was to execute this extraordinary trust was one whom Ali well knew would not shrink from it. His name was Kutchuk Achmet, or little Achmet

he was so lame from a wound as to be almost powerless, but a man of the most daring intrepidity, who would not hesitate to blow himself into the air to execute any command entrusted to him. But this precaution was soon withdrawn. Ali, though usually as suspicious as he was artful and perfidious, had now to deal with as accomplished a dissembler as himself: and the excessive kindness and studied respect with which he was treated induced him to surrender his fortress, with the treasures it contained, unconditionally, before the return of the messengers, and Achmet was withdrawn. Several Pachas had been in the habit of daily visiting Ali; and soon after this act of imprudence Mohamed Pacha, the governor of the Morea, came to pay him his respects. They held a long conversation, full of mutual assurances of attachment and good will. Mohamed pressed Ali to name anything he would wish to contribute to his personal comforts. Ali expressed a wish for some lamb. Mohained immediately promised to send some, and further pressed him to name any thing else that would gratify him.

The old man replied that there was one thing more, but his religious scruples made him reluctant to name it; but being pressed by his friend, he mentioned a particular sort of wine, which was also immediately promised. After this friendly conversation, Mohamed rose to depart, and as they were of equal rank the Pacha of Yanina rose with him. The Pacha of the Morea made a low and ceremonious reverence. Ali returned the ceremony with a similar profound bow; but before he could raise his head again, his companion stabbed him in the back with his yatagan, with such force, that the weapon passed through his heart, and out of his breast; and Mohamed walked out with the bloody yatagan, and proclaimed the success of his plot. Ali's head was cut off, and sent to Constantinople, where it was exhibited as the head of a traitor, and remained for some time in the court of the Seraglio, on a dish, like John the Baptist's head on a charger. Several erroneous accounts of the circumstances of his death were circulated in Europe. The above are the real facts, which are fully detailed by Dr. Walsh, who was in Constantinople at the time, and had his information from official authority. As the event excited a considerable sensation, an English merchant at Constantinople was desirous of purchasing his head and sending it to London, to make money by exhibiting it; but this disgusting plan was prevented by a Solyman dervish, who had been an early friend of Ali, who procured the head and buried it with Ali's two sons, and his grandson, at the Selyvria gate of Constantinople, where the four tombstones are now among the most striking objects that arrest the traveller's attention. All of them have the same date-"Gemazeel Aheer, 1237," corresponding to our February, 1822.

The rebellion of Ali Pacha seems in a great measure to have determined the outbreak of the Greek insurrection. Alexander Ypselantes, seizing the opportunity when the armies of the Sultan were engaged against his own vassal, in February, 1821, raised the Greek standard in Moldavia, and in concert with Michael Satzo, the viceroy, issued his first proclamation, calling on all his countrymen to join the cause of freedom, and promising them the assistance of Russia. It is remarkable that in all the earlier efforts of the Greeks to gain their independence, they invariably relied