opportunity one day of dropping in, as if accidentally, to speak to her. By degrees he led the subject to her changed condition in life-the alternative from a cold, damp, smoky hovel, to a warm, clean, slated house-the cheerful garden before the door, that replaced the mud-licap and the duckpool-and all the other happy changes which a few weeks had effected. And he then asked, did she not feel grateful to a bountiful Providence that had showered down so many blessings upon her head?

Ah, troth, it's thrue for yer honor, I am grateful," she replied, in a whining, discordant tone, which astonished the worthy parson.

"Of course you are, my good woman,

THE breakfast-table assembled around it the three generations of men who issued from the three subdivisions of the dilligence, and presented that motley and mixed assemblage of ranks, ages, and countries, which forms so very amusing a part of a traveller's experience.

First came the "haute aristocratie" of the coupé, then the middle class of the interieure, and lastly, the tiers etat of the rotonde, with its melange of Jew money-lenders, under-officers and their wives, a Norman nurse with a high cap and a red jupe; while, to close the procession, a German student descended from the roof, with a beard, a blouse, and a meerschaum. Of such materials was our party made up; and yet, differing in all our objects and interests, we speedily amalgamated into a very tolerably social state of intimacy, and chatted away over our breakfast with much good humour and gaiety. Each person of the number seeming pleased at the momentary opportunity of finding a new listener, save my tall companion of the coupé.

He pre

served a dogged silence, unbroken by even a chance expression to the waiter, who observed his wants and supplied them by a species of quick instinct, evidently acquired by practice. As I could not help feeling somewhat in terested about the hermit-like attachment he evinced towards solitude, I watched him narrowly for some time, and at length as the "roti" made its appearance before him, after he had helped himself and tasted it, he caught my eye fixed upon him, and looking at

me intently for a few seconds, he seemed to be satisfied in some passing doubt he laboured under, as he said with a most peculiar shake of the head-"No mangez, no mangez cela."

"Ah," said I, detecting in my friend's French his English origin, "you are an Englishman I find."

"The devil a doubt of it, darlin'," said he half testily.

"An Irishman, too still better," said I.

Why then isn't it strange that my French always shows me to be English, and my English proves me Irish? It's lucky for me there's no going farther any how."

Delighted to have thus fallen upon a "character," as the Irishman evidently appeared, I moved my chair towards his; and finding, however, that he was not half pleased at the manner in which my acquaintance had been made with him, and knowing his country's susceptibility of being taken by a story, I resolved to make my advances by narrating a circumstance which had once befallen me in my early life.

Our countrymen, English and Irish, travel so much now a days, that one ought never to feel surprised at finding them anywhere. The instance I am about to relate will verify to a certain extent the fact, by showing that no situation is too odd or too unlikely to be within the verge of calculation.

When the 10th foot, to which I then belonged, were at Corfu, I obtained with three other officers a short leave of absence, to make a hurried tour of the Morea, and take a passing glance

at Constantinople-in those days much less frequently visited by travellers than at present.

After rambling pleasantly about for some weeks, we were about to return, when we determined that before sailing we should accept an invitation some officers of the " Dwarf" frigate then stationed there had given us, to pass a day at Pera, and pic-nic in the mountain. One fine bright morning was therefore selected-a most apetizing little dinner being carefully packed up-we set out, a party of fourteen, upon our excursion.

The weather was glorious, and the scene far finer than any of us had anticipated-the view from the mountain extending over the entire city, gorgeous in the rich colouring of its domes and minarets; while, at one side, the golden horn was visible, crowded with ships of every nation, and, at the other, a glimpse might be had of the sea of Marmora, blue and tranquil as it lay beneath. The broad bosom of the Bosphorous was sheeted out like a map before us-peaceful yet bustling with life and animation. Here lay the union-jack of old England, floating beside the lilies of Francewe speak of times when lilies were and barricades were not—the tall and taper spars of a Yankee frigate towering above the low timbers and heavy hull of a Dutch schooner-the gilded poop and curved galleries of a Turkish three-decker, anchored beside the raking mast and curved deck of a suspicious looking craft, whose red-capped and dark-visaged crew needed not the naked creese at their sides to bespeak them Malays. The whole was redolent of life, and teeming with food for one's fancy to conjure from.

While we were debating upon the choice of a spot for our luncheon, which should command the chief points of view within our reach, one of the party came to inform us that he had just discovered the very thing we were in search of. It was a small kiosk, built upon a projecting rock that looked down upon the Bosphorus and the city, and had evidently, from the extended views it presented, been selected as the spot to build upon. The building itself was a small octagon, open on every side, and presenting a series of prospects, land and seaward, of the most varied and magnificent kind.

Seeing no one near, nor any trace of habitation, we resolved to avail ourselves of the good taste of the founder;

and spreading out the contents of our kaissers, proceeded to discuss a most excellent cold dinner. When the good things had disappeared, and the wine began to circulate, one of the party observed that we should not think of enjoying ourselves before we had filled a bumper to the brim, to the health of our good king, whose birth-day it chanced to be. Our homeward thoughts and loyalty uniting, we filled our glasses, and gave so hearty a "hip, hip, hurra," to our toast, that I doubt if the echoes of those old rocks ever heard the equal of it.

Scarcely was the last cheer dying away in the distance, when the door of the kiosk opened, and a negro dressed in white muslin appeared, his arms and ancles bearing those huge rings of massive gold, which only persons of rank distinguish their servants by.

After a most profound obeisance to the party, he explained in very tolerable French, that his master the Effendi, Ben Mustapha Al Habak, at whose charge (in house rent) we were then feasting, sent us, greeting, and begged that, if not considered as contrary to our usages, &c. that we should permit him and his suite to approach the kiosk and observe us at our meal.

Independent of his politeness in the mode of conveying the request, as he would prove fully as entertaining a sight to us as we could possibly be to him, we immediately expressed our great willingness to receive his visit, coupled with a half hint that perhaps he might honour us by joining the party.

After a half-hour's delay, the door was once more thrown open, and a venerable old Turk entered: he salaamed three times most reverently, and motioned to us to be seated, declining, at the same time, by a gentle gesture of his hand, our invitation. He was followed by a train of six persons, all splendidly attired, and attesting, by their costume and manner, the rank and importance of their chief. Conceiving that as his visit had but one object to observe our convivial customs-we immediately reseated ourselves, and filled our glasses.

As one after one the officers of the effendi's household passed round the apartments, we offered them a goblet of champagne, which they severally declined, with a polite but solemn smile-all except one, a large, savagelooking Turk, with a most ferocious

scowl, and the largest black beard I ever beheld. He did not content himself with a mute refusal of our offer, but, stopping suddenly, he raised up his hands above his head, and muttered some words in Turkish, which one of the party informed us was a very satisfactory recommendation of the whole company to Satan for their

heretic abomination.

The procession moved slowly round the room, and when it reached the door again retired, each member of it salaaming three times as they had done on entering. Scarcely had they gone, than we burst into a loud fit of laughter at the savage-looking fellow who thought proper to excommunicate us, and were about to discuss his more than common appearance of disgust at

our proceedings, when again the door opened, and a turbaned head peeped in, but so altered were the features that although seen but the moment before, none of us could believe them the same. The dark complexion-the long and bushy beard were there-but instead of the sleepy and solemn character of the oriental, with heavy eye and closed lip, there was a droll, halfdevilry in the look and partly open mouth, that made a most laughable contrast with the head-dress. looked stealthily around him for au instant, as if to see that all was right, and then, with an accent and expression I shall never forget, said, "I'll taste your wine, gentlemen, av it be pleasing to ye.”

He

MR. ALISON will do us but justice if he believes that we are always glad to meet with him in print, and that we seldom rise from the perusal of his pages without feelings of respect and admiration.

He has now traced the progress of social disorganization, as it has been exemplified by revolutionary France, from the first germs of civil disorder which appear to have been coeval with the very foundation of the monarchy, to that period when they manifested themselves by open violence, and convulsed and agitated the entire kingdom, even to the overthrow of the throne and the altar; and also the rise of the portentous despotism which was erected upon the ruins of ancient institutions; and which seems to have been permitted to control, for a season, the terrible energies of anarchical violence, for the purpose of directing them, with increased effect, against the peace and the well-being of surrounding nations. Mr. Alison is thus brought into contact with the histories of other states; and as he proceeds, his horizon becomes more and more extended, until it takes in, in succession, the social and political condition of every country in Europe. We are not ourselves sure that the extent to which he has pursued some of the themes which were suggested in the progress of his work, has been altogether judicious; we mean, of course,

when considered with relation to his leading object, namely, that of impressing upon the mind of the reader a just idea of revolutionary violence, both in its causes and in its consequences. We rather incline to think that this object would have been best attained by briefer summaries of the histories of other states, and a less minute detail of the wars, and the rumours of wars, by which the French emperor agitated the world, in the career of his frantic and profligate ambition. But assuredly the lucid and spirited statements of the writer, upon any of the subjects which he undertakes to discuss or to illustrate, will find a ready acceptance with the majority of his readers, especially when it is considered that there is, probably, no other single work in the language, in which the same information has been brought together, and in which the useful is rendered so agreeable, while the agreeable is always so useful.

The volume before us commences with a very minute account of the progress of British power in India, while England had yet a government, and before the wisdom of her counsellors was superseded by the madness of the people. As that portion of our dominions at present attracts peculiar attention, our readers will not be displeased to see the view which Mr. Alison gives of its financial condition and military resources the two principal points

which engage the attention of the politician, in considering the advantage of possessing, or the probability of retaining, our vast oriental empire.

«Taxation in India is for the most part direct; that is, it consists of the rent of lands belonging in property to the government, and which, from time immemorial, have been devoted to the maintenance of the supreme authority. Of the nineteen millions which at present constitute the general revenue of India, nearly eleven millions are drawn in this manner from the rent of the government lands. The principle on which this immense revenue is derived from land, has no analogy to the European land-tax, which is a burden superinduced upon the owner of the rent; it is, on the contrary, the rent itself. The modes in which this tax is levied over India are three: either a perpetual settlement with, or fixed rent constantly payable by, the proprietors of land; or a temporary settlement with the heads of villages or townships; or a definite settlement with each individual occupant of the ground. These different modes of taxation are all founded on one principle, which is universally admitted and acknowledged in every part of Hindostan, viz., that government, as the paramount owner of the soil, has right to a certain portion of the gross produce of every foot of cultivated land, which may be commuted generally, by permanent or partial settlements, with classes of men or separate individuals, but never can be wholly alienated by any ruler to the prejudice of his successors. Government, therefore, in India, is at once the ruling power and the universal landlord in the state; and hence the general and omnipotent influence which its severity or justice has upon the prosperity and well-being of the people, and the immediate effect of the British sway, by whose agents the collection of rent has been fixed, upon comparatively equitable principles,-upon the welfare of the humbler classes.

"When the East India Company came into possession of the Bengal provinces, they found the land revenue every where collected by the intervention of officers under the Mahommedan government, who had charge of districts or provinces under the title of zemindars. These officers were paid by a per-centage on the sums which they collected: the utmost irregularity and abuse generally existed; military force was constantly resorted to, to enforce the collection; and some of them held their offices for life only, others transmitted them, by hercditary succession, to their descendants.

Misled by the analogy of European institutions, or desirous of laying the foundation for their establishment in the east, Marquis Cornwallis, in 1793, conceived and carried into effect the idea of transforming the zemindars into landed proprictors, by conferring upon them and their descendants an indefeasible right to the territories over which their powers extended, so long as they continue to pay regularly the fixed land-tax to government. The propriety of this change was very much doubted at the time, and gave rise to a long and interesting controversy; but it was, nevertheless, carried into execution, and now forms the basis on which the taxation of two hundred thousand square miles of the Bengal territory, a district thrice the size of Great Britain, is founded. Though framed on the principles of benevolence and moderation, it has, however, like almost all similar institutions borrowed from the analogy of other nations, and a different state of society, proved altogether ineffective for the principal object in view. The zemindars could not, by the mere regulation of the company, be converted from Asiatic to European habits: instead of acquiring the interests and views of hereditary landholders, they continued to act with the characteristic improvidence of eastern rulers. To squeeze the last farthing, by any means how unjust soever, from the ryots, and squander it in extravagance or luxury upon themselves or their families, was the general practice: numbers were ruined and dispossessed by the company, who exacted the quit rent with unrelenting and injudicious rigour; and thus no step was made towards the formation of a landed aristocracy, while no alleviation was experienced in the burdens of the poor.

"The evil, in effect, became so great, that it has in some degree worked out, like all other excessive ills, its own cure. The zemindar system has come in the end to benefit a class of landed proprietors, though not the one which Lord Cornwallis originally intended. From the general ruin which overtook these powerful officers, and the terror every where inspired by the rigorous exactions of the company, the price of estates fell so low, that at last it became a prudent matter of speculation to buy land, and look to its returns for the interest of the price. A different and more provident class has thus, to a considerable extent, been introduced into the management of estates; and, as the land-rent which they are required to pay continues fixed, they have the strongest possible inducement to increase by good management the surplus which may accrue to themselves and their

families. But, unfortunately, they have nót learned in the east to look so far-into the future as to see that this is to be most effectually done by equitable and just dealings towards the cultivators: the burdens imposed on the ryots are still generally exorbitant, often ruinous; and the benefits of the British government are felt by that numerous aud important class rather by the cessation of war and depredation, than in any practical diminution of the duties legally exigible from them by their landlords."

But it is in the village system Mr. Alison sees the most interesting feature in the financial polity of British India. This prevails chiefly in the upper districts, and is as follows:

"Each village forms a little community or republic in itself, possessing a certain district of surrounding territory, and paying a certain fixed rent for the whole to government. As long as this is regularly paid, the public authorities have no title to interfere in the internal concerns of the community: they elect their own mocuddims, or head men, who levy the proportions of the quit rent from each individual, settle disputes, and allocate to each profession or individual the share of the general produce of the public territory which is to belong to it. As the community is justly desirous of avoiding any pretext for the interference of the state collectors in its internal concerns, they make good the quota of every defaulter from the funds of his neigh bours, so as to exhibit no defalcations in the general return to government. The only point in which the interference of the national authorities is required, is in fixing the limits of the village territories in a question with each other, which is done with great care by surveyors, in presence of the competing parties and their witnesses, and a great concourse of the neighbouring inhabitants. In times of trouble they arm and fortify themselves, drive their cattle within their walls, and often contrive, by the payment of a certain contribution, to avoid the evils of actual pillage, even by the most considerable armies. These villages are, indeed, frequently burned or destroyed by hostile forces, the little community dispersed, and its lands restored to a state of nature; but when better times return, and the means of peaceable occupation are again restored, the remnant re-assemble with their children in their paternal inheritance. A generation may pass away, but the succeeding generation return the sons take the place of their fathers; the same trades and occupations are filled by the

descendants of the same individuals; the same division of lands takes place; the very houses are rebuilt on the site of those which had been destroyed; and, emerging from the storm, the community revives, another and the same.'

If we

"It is in these village municipalities that the real secret of the durability of society in the cast is to be found. contemplate the desolating invasions to which, from the earliest times, the Asiatic monarchies have been exposed from their proximity to the regions of central Asia; if we reflect on the wide-spread devastation consequent on the the twelve dreadful irruptions of the Tartars into Hindostan; and recollect that society, in the intervals of these terrific scourges, has invariably been subjected to the varied but never-ending oppression of different rulers, who seemed to have no other idea of government but to extract as large contributions as possible from the people, -it seems surprising how the human race did not become extinct under such a

succession of calamities. But amidst those multiplied evils, the village system has provided an unheeded, but enduring and effectual refuge for mankind. Invasion may succeed invasion, horde after horde may sweep over the country-dynasty may overturn dynasty, revolution be followed by revolution; but the widespread foundations of rural society are unchanged: the social families bend, but break not, beneath the storm; industry revives in its ancient seats, and in its pristime form, under whatever government ultimately prevails; and the dominant power, intent only on fresh objects of plunder or aggrandisement, rolls past these unheeded fountains of industry and population. The Hindoos, the Patans, the Moguls, the Mahrattas, the Seiks, and the English, have all been masters in turn; but the village communities remain the same. Abuses and oppression, without doubt, may prevail in this as in all other human institutions; but its extensive establishment and long duration in the east, proves that it has been found capable by experience of affording tolerable security to the labouring classes; and perhaps by no other means, in the absence of those effective bulwarks of freedom which the intelligence, hereditary succession, and free spirit of Europe, create, is the inestimable blessing of protection to humble industry to be so generally and effectually obtained. The whole upper and western provinces of Bengal, the greater part of the Bombay territories, the ceded districts on the Nerbuddah, and the province of Tanjore, comprising about 260,000 square miles, are assessed according to this system."