cans, the authors of those laws on which your happiness depends."

You have now in the field armies sufficient to repel the whole force of your enemies and their base and mercenary auxiliaries. The hearts of your soldiers beat high with the spirit of freedom; they are animated with the justice of their cause, and while they grasp their swords can look up to Heaven for assistance. Your adversaries are composed of wretches who laugh at the rights of humanity, who turn religion into derision, and would, for higher wages, direct their swords against their leaders or their country. Go on, then, in your generous enterprise, with gratitude to Heaven for past success, and confidence of it in the future. For my own part, I ask no greater blessing than to share with you the common danger and common glory. If I have a wish dearer to my soul than that my ashes may be mingled with those of a Warren and a Montgomery, it is that these American States may never cease to be free and independent.

H

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

OPENING THE ASSEMBLY WITH PRAYER

Remarks of Benjamin Franklin, philosopher and statesman (born
in Boston, January 16, 1706, died in Philadelphia April 17, 1790)
before the Convention in Philadelphia to frame the Con-
stitution, for the United States. These were delivered after
two months had been consumed in debate, sometimes acrimonious
about the terms upon which the smaller States like Delaware and
Rhode Island should be associated with larger States like New York,
and when there seemed no hope of an agreement between the
representatives of the larger and smaller States. Franklin moved
the assembly open its deliberations with prayer. The motion was
nearly unanimously rejected. As the struggle continued, Franklin
hit upon the expedient that was finally adopted, that all the States
should be equally represented in the Upper House, and according to
their population in the Lower, where all money bills were to
originate. The deliberations of the convention being secret, the
form of this speech was preserved in a copy by Madison from
Franklin's manuscript.

MR. PRESIDENT:-The small progress we have made after four
or five weeks' close attendance and continual reasoning with
each other, our different sentiments on almost every question,
several of the last producing as many noes as ayes, is, methinks,
a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human under-
standing. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political
wisdom, since we have been running all about in search of it.
We have gone back to ancient history for models of govern-
ment, and examined the different forms of those republics
which, having been originally formed with the seeds of their
own dissolution, now no longer exist; and we have viewed mod-
ern States all around Europe, but find none of their constitu-
tions suitable to our circumstances.

In this situation of this assembly, groping, as it were, in the dark to find political truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understanding? In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the Divine protection. Our prayers, sir, were heard;—and they were graciously answered. All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity.. And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend? or do we imagine we no longer need its assistance? I have lived, sir, a long time; and the longer I live the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without His notice is it probable that an empire can rise without His aid? We have been assured, sir, in the sacred writings, that "except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it." I firmly believe this; and I also believe, that, without His concurring aid, we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel; we shall be divided by our little, partial, local interests, our projects will be confounded and we ourselves shall become a reproach and a by-word down to future ages. And what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing government by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war, and conquest. I therefore beg leave to move

That henceforth prayers, imploring the assistance of Heaven and its blessing on our deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning before we proceed to business; and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate in that service.

JOHN MARSHALL

THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION

John Marshall was born in Virginia in 1755. He received a careful education in the best schools the colonies afforded, and began to study law in his teens. On the outbreak of the War of Independence he volunteered at once, and rose to the rank of captain. When peace was restored, Marshall, who had resigned his commission and obtained admission to the bar, rose rapidly to prominence in public affairs. He sat in the legislature, and also used his influence in support of the Constitution of the United States, when that instrument was presented for ratification. After the establishment of the federal government President Washington offered him the attorneygeneralship and a French mission, both of which he declined. President John Adams sent him to France, however, as one of the special envoys appointed to manage differences with that power. Having declined an associate justiceship on the United States Supreme Court bench, he was elected to Congress, and later President Adams made him secretary of state, and finally, in November, 1800, appointed him to the office he was destined to fill with such prestige for nearly thirty-five years-that of chief justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. He died in 1835. The following speech was made in the Virginia Convention, June 10, 1788, urging the ratification of the new Constitution.

MR. CHAIRMAN:-I conceive that the object of the discussion now before us is, whether democracy or despotism be most eligible. I am sure that those who framed the system submitted to our investigation, and those who now support it intend the establishment and security of the former. The supporters of the Constitution claim the title of being firm friends of the liberty and the rights of mankind. They say that they consider it as the best means of protecting liberty. We, sir, idolize democracy. Those who oppose it have bestowed eulogiums on monarchy. We prefer this system to any monarchy, because we are convinced that it has a greater tendency to se

cure our liberty and promote our happiness. We admire it, because we think it a well regulated democracy: it is recommended to the good people of this country; they are, through us, to declare whether it be such a plan of government as will establish and secure their freedom.

Permit me to attend to what the honorable gentleman, Mr. Henry, has said.

He stated the necessity and probability of obtaining amendments. This we ought to postpone until we come to that clause, and make up our minds whether there be anything unsafe in this system. He conceived it impossible to obtain amendments after adopting it. If he was right, does not his own argument prove that, in his own conception, previous amendments cannot be had? For, sir, if subsequent amendments cannot be obtained, shall we get amendments before we ratify? The reasons against the latter do not apply against the former. There are in this state, and in every state in the Union, many who are decided enemies of the Union. Reflect on the probable conduct of such men. What will they do? They will bring amendments which are local in their nature, and which they know will not be accepted. What security have we that other states will not do the same? We are told that many in the states were violently opposed to it. They are more mindful of local interests. They will never propose such amendments as they think would be obtained. Disunion will be their object. This will be attained by the proposal of unreasonable amendments. This, sir, though a strong cause, is not the only one that will militate against previous amendments. Look at the comparative temper of this country now and when the late Federal convention met. We had no idea then of any particular system. The formation of the most perfect plan was our object and wish. It was imagined that the states would accede to and be pleased with, the proposition that would be made them. Consider the violence of opinions, the prejudices and animosities which have been since imbibed. Will not these operate greatly against mutual concessions, or a friendly concurrence? This will, however, be taken up more properly another time. He says we wish to have a strong, energetic, powerful government. We contend