a better proof of their patriotism and a higher glory to their country by promoting fraternity and justice. A party success that is achieved by unfair methods or by practices that partake of revolution is hurtful and evanescent, even from a party standpoint. We should hold our differing opinions in mutual respect, and, having submitted them to the arbitrament of the ballot, should accept an adverse judgment with the same respect that we would have demanded of our opponents if the decision had been in our favor.

No other people have a government more worthy of their respect and love, or a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look upon, and so full of generous suggestion to enterprise and labor. God has placed upon our head a diadem, and has laid at our feet power and wealth beyond definition or calculation. But we must not forget that we take these gifts upon the condition that justice and mercy shall hold the reins of power, and that the upward avenues of hope shall be free to all the people.

I do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all. Passion has swept some of our communities, but only to give us a new demonstration that the great body of our people are stable, patriotic, and law-abiding. No political party can long pursue advantage at the expense of public honor, or by rude and indecent methods, without protest and fatal disaffection in its own body. The peaceful agencies of commerce are more fully revealing the necessary unity of all our communities, and the increasing intercourse of our people is promoting mutual respect. We shall find unalloyed pleasure in the revelation which our next census will make of the swift development of the great resources of some of the states. Each state will bring its generous contribution to the great aggregate of the nation's increase. And when the harvests from the fields, the cattle from the hills, and the ores of the earth shall have been weighed, counted, and valued, we will turn from them all to crown with the highest honor the state that has most promoted education, virtue, justice, and patriotism among its people.

GROVER CLEVELAND

TRUE DEMOCRACY

Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, was born at Caldwell, New Jersey, March 18, 1837. He studied law in Buffalo, New York. Through various minor offices he rose to be Mayor of Buffalo in 1881. His administration was so successful that in the next year he received the Democratic nomination for Governor and was elected by an unprecedented plurality. In 1884 he was elected President against James G. Blaine, the Republican nominee. He was defeated by Benjamin Harrison in 1888, but defeated Harrison in 1892. Besides the business-like thoroughness which characterized Cleveland in all public offices, he displayed notable courage in his handling of financial problems, the Chicago strike, and the Venezuelan dispute with England. He died June 24, 1908. The following speech was delivered at a banquet of the Young Men's Democratic Association, in Philadelphia, January 8, 1891.

MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:-As I rise to respond to the sentiment which has been assigned to me, I cannot avoid the impression made upon my mind by the announcement of the words "True Democracy." I believe them to mean a sober conviction or conclusion touching the political topics which, formulated into political belief or creed, inspires a patriotic performance and the duties of citizenship. When illusions are dispelled, when misconceptions are rectified, and when those who guide are consecrated to truth and duty, the ark of the people's safety will still be discerned in the keeping of those who hold fast to the principles of true democracy.

These principles are not uncertain nor doubtful. They comprise equal and exact justice to all men; peace, commerce, and hence friendship with all nations-entangling alliance with none; the support of the State Governments in all their rights; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor; a jealous care of the right of election by the

people; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; the encouragement of agriculture and commerce as its handmaid, and freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of the person.

The great President and intrepid democratic leader whom we especially honor to-night found his inspiration and guide in these principles.

Not all who have followed the banner have been able by a long train of close reasoning to demonstrate as an abstraction why democratic principles are best suited to their wants and the country's good; but they have known and felt that as their government was established for the people, the principles and men nearest to the people and standing for them could be the safest to trust.

Jackson has been in their eyes the incarnation of the things which Jefferson declared; if they did not understand all that Jefferson wrote, they saw and knew what Jackson did. Those who insisted upon voting for Jackson after his death felt sure that whether their candidate was alive or dead, they were voting the ticket of true democracy.

The devoted political adherent of Jackson, who after his death became involved in a dispute as to whether his hero had gone to heaven or not, was prompted by democratic instinct when he disposed of the question by declaring: "I tell you, sir, that if Andrew Jackson has made up his mind to go to heaven, you may depend upon it, he is there."

Under anti-democratic encouragement we have seen a constantly increasing selfishness attach to our political affairs. The departure from the sound and safe theory that the people should support the Government for the sake of the benefits resulting to all has bred a sentiment, manifesting itself with astounding boldness, that the Government may be enlisted in the furtherance and advantage of private interests, through their willing agents in public places. Such an abandonment of the idea of patriotic political action on the part of these interests has naturally led to an estimate of the people's franchise so degrading that it has been openly and palpably debauched