be enchanted at Florence, where I am more than pleased. I am in no apprehension of want of mental occupation here when I am released from diplomatic exercitation. I find I have a great deal more to do than I anticipated. The Austrian possession of Tuscany, and the plot which is, beyond all doubt, going on to shut our manufactures out of Italy, keep me in constant watchfulness. I find every day an illustration of the French proverb, Il mène comme un ambassadeur. I cannot believe a word I hear from my colleagues, and the more vehement the protestations of the Austrian Minister, the more incredulous I am to all the assurances which he thinks me sufficiently simple to accept. I have a good deal to do also with Petre, who represents me at Rome. There are perpetual differences arising between our Government and the Papal, resulting from the unfortunate alienation which exists between us. I am vain enough to think that if I were in Rome I could do a great deal in bringing about a reconciliation, and even as it is, I do my utmost to soften the resentful feelings that prevail at the Vatican. I do not, however, see any immediate prospect of going there. I see that More O'Ferral has been returned for Longford. The resignation of the Governor of Malta is certainly most honourable to him. I am curious to know what course he will take. He certainly will have considerable weight in the House. I rather think that he will support the Ministers. I greatly fear that my friend Bellew will lose Louth. . How I hear from high quarters in England that the Whigs expect to get through the session. I am convinced that they will not resign, except a vote of censure or something equivalent to it be carried. In this course they are, I think, quite justified, after having resumed power, by the Queen's express desire, and when Lord Stanley failed in forming a Government. strange that Ireland should be the cause of a panic, which is so near to destruction. Lord Stanley, if he form a Government, will be struck by the same power which has already given Lord John an almost mortal blow. The Irish members will be forced into hostility to Lord Stanley, if he acts on his ultra-Protestant declarations. The Pope's Chargé d'Affaires is appalled at the perspective which he presents. However, the political dread of Palmerston preponderates, after all, over the religious alarm that Stanley has excited."* Something of the feeling here indicated of unbelief in diplomatic assurances of national goodwill and per* Dated from Florence, 4th May, 1851. sonal high consideration, may possibly have betrayed itself in looks or gestures, though not in words, during his first communications with his colleagues of the ministerial corps; and may serve to account, perhaps, for symptoms that were occasionally observable of a tendency to depreciate his claim to the acquisition of influence at the Grand-ducal Court. But there were other circumstances that necessarily contributed to a like tone regarding him. He was a new man, who had never served an hour's apprenticeship to the craft, and the spirit of that professional freemasonry by which its members are generally animated, instinctively prepared to challenge the fitness and aptitude of the intruder. His improvisation of the part of Plenipotentiary would, it was expected, afford infinite matter for small criticism and cavil. No mere statesman could suddenly master the mysteries of ambassadorial etiquette; and consistently with refined courtesy, and even the parade of encouraging advice and friendly suggestion, ample opportunities were anticipated of making the man of genius feel that he was not one of the true-born and thorough-bred triflers with the affairs of nations. Not inconsiderable was the surprise created, when instead of affecting awkwardly the airs and attitudes to which he was wholly unaccustomed, the newly-appointed envoy gave it to be understood that he meant to be at Florence pretty much the sort of individual he had been known to be at Brookes's-careless in his dress, outspoken in private society, very unassuming in public, and in every respect the genuine sort of creature that God had intended him to be. It was utterly disgusting to the dowagers of Tuscan society to see how little he valued ceremony and punctilio; and his straightforward mode of speaking and acting indicated, in the opinion of certain politicals, both Italian and foreign, tendencies in the direction of Liberalism deeply to be lamented, if not feared. His sentiments regarding Italian sufferings and wrongs were not unknown. They had been freely and feelingly expressed on the occasion of his bringing before the House of Commons, in 1845, circumstances connected with the opening of Mazzini's letters. After glancing at the insurrectionary movements of 1831 in the Papal States, whose suppression had caused the banishment of Mazzini, he proceeded to notice the efforts which had been made by the Five Great Powers to induce the Papal Government to adopt various internal reforms. Lord Palmerston had directed Sir Hamilton Seymour to proceed from Florence to Rome for the purpose of concerting there, with the Ministers of France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, the advice which should be given on the occasion. A despatch of the 7th of September recounting at some length the administrative amendments which were thus suggested, and their rejection by the Ministers of Gregory XVI., was read in extenso by Mr. Sheil. It disclaimed on the part of the British Government any direct interest in the concerns of the Roman States, and all thoughts of interfering in them. It was, in fact, only at the entreaties of France and Austria that Sir H. Seymour had been sent to Rome. Finding that the recommendations made by the representatives of the Five Powers were wholly disregarded, he declared the object of his mission to be at an end. "The Court of Rome appears to rely upon the temporary presence of foreign troops, and to have done nothing to allay the popular discontent.' The despatch concludes, 'The English Government foresees that if there be a perseverance in the present course, new troubles will break out in the Roman States of a still more serious nature, and of which the consequences will at last become dangerous to the peace of Europe. If these anticipations shall be unhappily fulfilled, England will, at all events, be free from all responsibility for the calamities which will be occasioned by the resistance offered to the wise and urgent counsels given by the English Cabinet.' Such is the view taken by Sir Hamilton Seymour of the abuses existing |