with his own blood while a prisoner at Magdeburg, is now offered for sale at Leipzig. The diary, inscribed on two hundred pages of an interleaved Bible presented to Trenck in 1760 by the Princess Amalie, sister of Frederick the Great, includes, besides a number of poems and letters, various social, political, and philosophical treatises, and a history of the prisoner's adventurous life, which ended in 1794 on the guillotine. He was condemned to death by Robespierre as a secret agent of foreign governments. MESSRS. ADAM & CHARLES BLACK have commenced proceedings in the United States law courts against an American publishing firm which is issuing a reprint of the "Encyclopædia Britannica." An American author has contributed to the "Encyclopædia," and the article being copyrighted in the United States a ground for action is afforded. Proceedings are also being taken in the same direction by Messrs. Scribner for, as they state, infringement of their copyrights in some of the maps used in the work in question. A POPULAR edition of Luther's works is about to be published in Germany under the title of "Luther's Werke für das Christliche Haus." The collection, which will be issued in parts, will consist of four series, of which the first will contain, among others of a kindred nature, the famous treatises "An den Christlichen Adel," "Von der Babylonischen Gefangenschaft," etc. The second series will comprise essays of political and social import, such as “Ermahnung an die Fürsten und Bauern," "Ueber Schulen," "Von Ehesachen," etc., together with the Reformer's poems, letters, and well-known "Table-Talk." The third series will be devoted to his polemical productions, and the fourth to his devotional writings. Each series will be provided with a different portrait of the author, and a "Life of Luther" will form the conclusion of the collected works, which will be edited by the well-known theological writers Buchwald, Köstlin, Rade, and Ewald. THE German Socialists intend founding a new journal at Zurich, entitled Achtstundentag. The title sufficiently indicates the main object of the paper. THE following is an extract from one of the hitherto unpublished letters of Nathaniel Hawthorne, recently given to the Athenæum. It was written at a time when Mr. Hawthorne was in a state of great depression from financial difficulties, and shows what true, noble stuff his nature was made of, and how little his own necessities influenced his judgments : "It is sweet to be remembered and cared for by one's friends-some of whom know me for what I am, while others, perhaps, know me only through a generous faith-sweet to think that they deem me worth upholding in my poor work through life. And it is bitter, nevertheless, to need their support. It is something else besides pride that teaches me that ill-success in life is really and justly a matter of shame. I am ashamed of it, and I ought to be. The fault of a failure is attributable-in a great degree at least-to the man who fails. I should apply this truth in judging of other men ; and it behooves me not to shua its point or edge in taking it home to my own heart. Nobody has a right to live in the world, unless he be strong and able, and applies his ability to good purpose." DR. EDUARD JACOBS, librarian and keeper of the archives at Wernigerode to Count von Stolberg, is about to publish a careful biographical and historical sketch of Juliana Countess of Stolberg-Wernigerode (1506-1580). This lady was an ancestress of Queen Victoria, for by her marriage to William the Rich of Nassau-Dillenburg she became the mother of William, Prince of Orange (1533-1584), the great grandmother of Frederick V., Elector of the Palatinate, who married the Princess Elizabeth, daughter of King James I. of England, and the great great grandmother of Sophia, Duchess of Brunswick-Lüneberg (1630-1714). The present work, which was undertaken at the desire of the present Count von Stolberg, will embody the results of years of research among the original documents at Wernigerode and elsewhere, and will contain a considerable amount of information of interest to English readers. It will appear in the course of September, and will be published by Handel, of Halle-on-the-Saale, at 10s. in whole cloth. MISS BETHAM-EDWARDS writes to the Athenaum: "How are authors to protect themselves against piratical translations? A German lady who has successfully brought out many translations of my stories some time since undertook an authorized version of 'Love and Mirage.' The work was accepted for publication as a serial, when the editor wrote to say that an unauthorized translation had already appeared in the Deutsche Zeitung of Vienna. I have never demanded a penny of my translators, French, German, or otherwise, but it is rather hard to have the privilege of permission taken out of one's hands. Of course the usual notice of reserved rights appeared on the titlepage." I.-IN ENGLAND. In these days, when electric currents, established by science, seem to run through the national mind, social movements are regarded with apprehension, since they march to their destination with a rapidity heretofore unknown. The hitherto indifferent are now curious to discover what any new movement means, and desirous to discern what direction it takes, what changes it may lead to, and what interests it may affect. As, however, apprehensiveness often breeds error, popular agitations are often taken to have a policy which really have none, being begotten of impulse alone. Some sense of wrong, some intellectual unrest, will become contagious, incite common action, and all the while be without definite aim or conscious policy. Nevertheless, there are movements which have both. The Socialistic advocates on NEW SERIES.-VOL. L., No. 5. 37 the Continent have both policy and purpose. The reader has doubtless seen in accounts of the co-operative societies in France the aims by which their adherents in that fertile-minded country are animated. Since the pernicious days of Richelieu all movements in France have had a policy, and sometimes the policy kills the movement. In England we commonly have the movement first and the policy afterward-and the policy does not begin with us until the movement has taken determined root. Robert Owen, who was the founder of Socialism in England, was inspired by French theorists, and he began with a theory and a policy. His theory was the possible, predetermined formation of character by education and well-selected material environments; his policy was the creation of opulent, selfsupporting, industrial communities. The English, as a rule, distrust theories. What they say they want is "something practi cal," and co-operation, as we know it now, did not arise until Owen's theory and policy were regarded as dead. He incited co-operation and put it into men's minds, and his disciples subsequently put it into force, and it is now mainly carried forward by persons ignorant alike of his name and ideas. In Owen's days co-operative stores were conducted largely with the intention of devoting any profit made to founding industrial communities, of which that of Queenwood, in Hampshire, was the chief and last. When that failed two sentiments survived-dislike of competition as a cause of waste and social strife; and a conviction that the middleman intercepted profits and increased the cost of provisions to the working class. Disciples of Mr. Owen, in Rochdale, had twice or thrice failed in establishing a store on the plan then prevalent, that of buying provisions wholesale, and selling them retail. Those who held £1 shares, or made loans, had the disposal of all profits. The society was a The society was a joint-stock shop, at which the purchasers had no more interest in dealing than at any other shop. In those days the law did not protect the property of the shareholders, and theft, apathy, or bad management frequently destroyed the stores. The merit of the Rochdale co-operators was, that they introduced the plan of limiting the profits of the shareholders to 5 per cent. interest, and dividing any surplus among the purchasers, in proportion to their purchases. As these societies seldom made profits it excited ridicule to propose to divide the profits among purchasers, when little or none were made. But this device was, nevertheless, the beginning of modern co-operation. The hope of profits attracted new members after a time, and retained them when profit did accrue, for accession of members made more profit, as 500 could often be served at the cost of management necessary for 100. In a few years Professor Denison Maurice, Edward Vansittart Neale, Mr. J. M. Ludlow, Mr. Frederick Furnival, known as "Christian Socialists," came into the movement, procured improvements in the law, and aided in the organization of cooperation. Then the grocers did as much as these new allies to establish it. The grocers did it by boycotting the stores. They would neither sell to them, nor al low the wholesale dealers to do it--for if any did, they boycotted the dealers by taking their orders from them. Englishmen love a struggle; conflict inspires them, and the Co-operators had now a concrete foe to fight. Mr. James Smithies, the chief leader of the Rochdale Co-operators, and mainly Mr. Abram Greenwood, of the same town, Mr. James Crabtree, of Heckmondwike, and many other stalwart Co-operators, took action, and established a wholesale buying society. Mr. Lloyd Jones, Dr. John Watts, and other former lecturers, under Robert Owen, incited the stores to support the project, and now the Manchester Wholesale Society are able to enter the markets of the world with six millions of ready money yearly. They have ships of their own to carry produce from the chief markets of Europe and America. Thus Co-operators, who would have gladly dealt with grocers, are now independent of them and supersede them. Wholesale branches exist in London, Newcastle-on-Tyne, and elsewhere. Scotland has a separate buying society and branches of its own, whose business, compared with the population, is greater than that of the English wholesale. Co operative societies, thus enabled to command an unlimited supply of genuine provisions, grew in the land. It soon transpired that any society of 4,000 members could make £10,000 of profit a year, which showed that the workmen's families, where there is no good store, are paying to local shop-keepers £10,000 a year for being supplied with their humble requirements over the counter. This large sum now goes into the pockets of working people where they have the sense to establish and sustain a substantial store of their own, besides having better commodities and paying no more for them. This form of co-operation has been introduced into all the great nations of Europe and America. It has risen from the banks of the Roch, as Rogers describes Rome as rising from the banks of the Tiber : "From nothing, from the least, The lowliest village (what but here and there A reed-roofed cabin by a river side) Grew into everything and year by year, The principle, practice, and policy of English co-operation are manifest in their results. The effect of store co-operation is to set the workman free from adulteration, false measure, and debt; and, by saving dividends, accumulate funds with which to commence workshop co-operation, in which capital shall receive due interest on its use and risk, and the workers and thinkers receive the profit, divided upon the wages of all who produce it, by labor of brain or hand. Thus store and workshop co-operation contributes to health, independence, and income. In England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland the co-operative societies number nearly 1,400, the members nearly 1,000,000, and the profits exceed £3,000,000 annually. On this practical ground a policy of indus try is now growing. The amazing success of distributive co-operation has been all owing to the equitable division of profits in the store. The new object of co operation is to secure the equitable division of profit in the workshop. The object is new" as regards the day which is, but not new absolutely, for it was, as we have said, the earlier aim of co-operation to emancipate industry from subjection to the capitalist, as well as set commerce free from the exactions of middlemen. 66 The Rochdale Pioneers declared * that : "The principal object of the founders of this society [in 1844] was the equitable division of the profits arising from the manufacturing of cotton and woollen fabrics. They believed that all who contributed to the realization of wealth ought to participate in its distribution." The Christian Socialists, already named, and others, as Lord Ripon, Mr. Walter Morrison, M.P., Mr. Hodgson Pratt, Mr. Sedley Taylor, the late Mr. Lloyd Jones, Mr. Edward Owen Greening, have been unchanging advocates of equity to industry. Mr. Vansittart Neale, in earlier years, and Mr. Walter Morrison, in later years, made splendid sacrifices to promote this object. It is the principle of profitsharing to which general concurrence is given. 66 Statements, theories, and arguments as to the claims or rights" of labor vary with different interpreters. But all agree that industry must share in profits if pauperism is to cease. The co-operative principle is distinct from socialistic or anarchical theories, yet * In their Almanack of 1864. it goes a long way. The advocate of equity to labor maintains labor to be the industrious man's capital, and that it should be respected like the rich man's capital and rewarded like it. Until this is done, there will always be "poor in the land," dwelling in unhealthy cottages, in unhealthy lodgings, and perishing of overwork, privation, and disease, in the midst of their days. How can the priest in his temple give God honest thanks for all all! His mercies to the children of men" when he knows they are dying of poverty and squalor within a few yards of the altar How can a gentleman sit down without remorse, in the splendor of his home, while those who make his wealth lead cheerless lives, and the curses of the hopeless are heard in the air? Co-operation proposes to make the world fit for a gentleman to live in it. It is not so now. But it will be so when every man has an equal opportunity of competence according to his condition, and not till then. This can come about only by profit sharing- on the sea, on the field, in the mine, and in the workshop. We hear persons chatter of the claims, risks, and rights of capital. What are they compared with those of labor? Capital lends it money-demands ample interest, that its interest be well secured, has priority of claim, and commonly a second and third claim for interest. But labor is taken without security, is given no interest, has neither first nor second award of profit, and can be cast off at a week's notice. Co-operators mainand has the same right to profit, as capital tain that labor is the workman's capital, to interest. They deny that wages are an business charge. Interest is the rent of instalment of profit. Wages are merely a the rent of labor. capital; wages are Profit is made between them, and should be divided between them. Wages do but provide the food and house-shelter of the working condition, just as the fuel and human machine necessary to keep it in steam-engine. And if these are not, the engine-house have to be provided for a steam-engine will not work, showing more sense than many men. Co-operation holds that labor is property, and entitled to protection and interest like any other property. One-half of all existing property is made up of the earnings of unrequited workmen. Capitalists have their wages just as workmen have. The wages of capital are the current rates of interest. But in addition to interest, capital seeks profit, and in like manner labor seeks profit in addition to wages. Capital is the lesser agent but it has the better for tune. It neither thinks nor feels nor exerts itself. If England does not suit its owner, he can sojourn in sunny climes, and his interest follows him; and in the end he usually dies with great riches. All the while the workman is, as it were, chained to the workshop. All the best hours of the day, all the best years of his life, all his strength and skill, have been invested in the workshop. But when his strength decays he is left penniless to perish. Capital could not have made a shilling of profit without labor. Never theless, capital carries away all the profit. Is this fair play to labor? Is this equity to industry? Is it common honesty, or common humanity? Co-operation intends that there shall be the same equity in the workshop it has put into the store. Since labor performs the harder part, it should get the larger part. The co-oper ative doctrine is, that both labor and capital should live and prosper. Capital, the nursing mother of labor and prosperity, should be paid adequately for its risks, but it should be paid only once, and what remains should be divisible among those who earn it. Nobody would begrudge capital its honest interest, if it would but be content with that. It is its aggressiveness which sets workmen against it. Even in co-operative industrial enterprises it not only bargains for 5 per cent. (which is considered fair where there is security and no special risk), but will take 7 per cent., and then, out of the profit which may remain, it stipulates for another half of the residue, and leaves the workman a sum too small to give labor encouragement, or hope, or chance of provision for the day when labor shall be impossible. Then hatred of capital arises, and anarchic sympathies are created. Capitalists describe this as ignorance and suicidal distrust of wealth. All the while they themselves create the distrust by loading their boat with all the fish, and leaving those who caught them dinnerless on the bank. It is not Socialism or Dynamitism which creates discontent. It is industrial injus tice which creates the Socialistic and the Nihilistic dissatisfaction. The working men have capital in their labor, and its If they earnings are taken from them. took profits from gentlemen they would be called thieves, but if gentlemen take profits from workmen they are called smart employers, are said to act "" within their rights," and are accorded repute for business capacity. Labor is no longer stupid and defective in vision. It reflects, and it sees clearly. Industry discerns its place in the production of wealth. Co-operation has taught many that who did not know it before. The workman is no longer beguiled by the treacherous assurance, more "How sublime a thing it is To suffer and be strong." Workmen have come to see how much "sublime a thing it is" not "to suffer" at all, and to be " strong" nevertheless, like other people, who contrive to pass through life without the inconvenience of suffering, and yet who "toil not, neither do they spin. Those who both toil and spin are better entitled to be strong" without "suffering." 66 The Co-operator reasonably asks those who would understand the worth of common labor-to suppose it entirely to cease. Few can realize what that would mean. No more garments would be made, and the world of fashion would be shabby in a season; no more food would be produced, and famine would set in in a month; there would be no more enjoyment for the rich, their luxuries would be no more renewed. Within three months after common labor was no longer performed, the money of the wealthy would be as worthless as though they lived under the siege of Paris; their comfort and security would be ended; the lordly mansion would crumble and decay; the proud navy would rot; the Imperial army night be bought for a wagon-load of flour; the Queen's palace would be worth no more than a poorhouse. When the humble toiler ceases to serve, it means that the doctor will be no longer driven to your door; the newspaper train will not arrive again; the omnibus will cease to run; the post-cart will come to a stand in the road; the locomotive will rust in the station; the ship will be arrested on the sea, and the captain and passengers will perish in their cabins. news would come any more from kinsmen in distant countries; no message could No |