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government, it has a real and vital one, such as exists between religion and education, religion and social life. And only when it shall have attained its greatest triumphs, not only in the spiritual renovation of the people, but in the establishing of righteousness, truth, and freedom in all the earth, will its mission be complete.

From what we have said as to what politics are, what are their designs in social and civil life, and what are their relations to Christianity as the chief reforming power, it is evident that the latter has much to do with the former, less with party tricks and sectional animosities than with the morals of politics. Not as a system of dogmas and polemics, but as the embodiment of great purifying and reforming principles, is Christianity the genius of the world, which intermeddles with all knowledge, all truth, all facts, and which aims to bring all things into harmony with the best interests of mankind. In the Scriptures are clearly seen two grand radical ideas of a governmental character, the like of which are found nowhere else. They strike deep, reach high, and extend far and wide in both the assertion and the extension of authority in all the relations of men. Taken together, they show the oneness of the Bible, and the symmetry, as also the universality, of its teachings. One of these great truths is, "Unto the Son he saith, Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever: a scepter of righteousness is the scepter of thy kingdom. Thou hast loved righteousness, and hated iniquity." The other was spoken by this enthroned Son: "All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations." Growing out of these fundamental facts are such sentiments as the following in reference to the character of the men who should be sought and promoted to office, namely, "Thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them, to be rulers, . . . and let them judge the people at all seasons." Then in reference to the duties of rulers and executive officers there arise these thoughts: "Thou shalt not wrest judgment; thou shalt not respect persons. . . . That which is altogether just shalt thou follow." "Behold, a king shall reign in righteousness, and princes shall rule in judgment. . . . Then judgment shall dwell in the wilderness, and righteousness re

main in the fruitful field. And the work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever." As is natural, and indeed necessary, in all equally balanced governments, the divine economy adds, "Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed; to turn aside the needy from judgment, and to take away the right from the poor of my people, that widows may be their prey, and that they may rob the fatherless!"

Closely allied to these great thoughts, which should permeate and control all governments, are the following: "Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and unto God the things that are God's." "Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same; for he is a minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain."

These are some of the plain and positive teachings of the Bible in reference to the nature and elements of government, the character of rulers, and the duties of citizens; in other words, in reference to politics. Religion and politics have much to do with each other, and all who reverence the authority and teachings of the Bible should look well and carefully to the matter. And though Bible politics embrace the duty of giving honor and obedience to governors for the sake of the offices they hold, and of submitting to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, they also teach that duty to God is paramount to all others, that our obligations to human government are subordinate to the divine, and that, when they come in conflict, it is better to obey God than man. Human government is only delegated. God is supreme. His will is law. Government being an ordinance of God for the praise of them that do well, and for a terror to evil-doers, politicians and religionists should be in harmony. As the Bible lays down the fundamental ideas of all good government, as it gives the character and duties of governors, and the duties of the people, we claim that every intelligent and high-minded Christian should aim to bring himself into harmony with political truth. He may err in judgment, but will be pleased to correct the error. Though educated a partisan, and taught to believe that

all good is in one party and all evil is in another, he will gladly learn that good and evil belong somewhat to all partisans, and that the duty of good men is to hold, when possible, the balance of power, and to be ready to cast it on either side for the greater good of the country. "We believe," says Mr. Hayes, "that the government of the United States ought to regard alike the rights and interests of all sections of country, and that State-governments should also regard equally the rights and interests of all races of men."

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There is no line of duty, whether in family, in Church, or in State, that is not involved in Bible politics and in Christian character. When a body of high-minded and religiously educated citizens unite for the purpose of so shaping and administering government, and obtaining such laws as will at the same time promote the ends of sound politics, overthrow or suppress vice and immorality, and defend truth and righteousness, it is the obvious and urgent duty of all good men to aid in bringing about such results. And when their votes have a positive bearing on the morals of a people, they have no right either to withhold them, or to cast them against the right, and thus indirectly favor the wrong. And yet it is not good policy nor sound sense to organize small parties on each and every item of reform, and in this way disintegrate the better of the two chief parties and give the supremacy to the worse. Bible politics, as also a Christian profession, hold men to the steady labor of improving the better of the two dominant parties— indeed, of both parties.

In a republican government the people hold the power. A change of administration is in their hands. Officers of government are only temporary representatives of the popular will, and they are usually careful to carry out the will of their constituent. Both the people, with whom is the residue of power, and their representatives, are in duty bound to put forth such efforts as shall reach and secure the ends of government, both in great things and in small, in sections of the country, and in the whole country. For the sake of promoting virtue and morality, as, also, for the supression of vice and immorality, should these things be sought and done. And it is here affirmed that no Christian should feel himself at liberty, even for the sake of adhering to party preferences and work

ing within his party lines, to throw his sovereign power by vote, by influence, or by example, in favor of an unpatriotic, unreliable, incompetent, and corrupt man for office. And just here come in all the reforms that may be wrought through political and government agencies. Though it is a great moral and social question, closely relating to the purity of society, yet we think that the temperance reform, as it is now related to taxes, to social order and morals, is one of the vital interests that must be wrought into the politics of communities, of the States, and of our nation. While we doubt the propriety and utility of a third party on this subject, we do think that temperance men should see to it that the principles of this reform permeate all society, that the popular mind be well instructed, that the right style of men be nominated for and elected to the several offices in the gift of the people, but not on only one issue. We would place this politico-religious reform just where we place popular education and common schools, civil and religious liberty, as one important matter, in the political creed of the people, not only by indoctrinating them, but by enlightening them also. As Romish officials are united in their efforts to gain ascendency in politics, less by educating their adherents to a high place of thought and morals, so we should both know and appreciate the value of our national institutions, and be united to promote in all suitable ways the intelligence and morality of the whole people. In the flush of hoped-for success through one of the political parties of this country, Romanists have put it on record that "education itself is the business of the spiritual society alone, and not of the secular society. The instruction of children and youth is included in the sacrament of orders, and the State usurps the functions of the spiritual society when it turns educator. The organization of the schools, their entire internal arrangement and management, the choice and regulation of studies, and the selection, appointment, and dismissal of teachers, belong exclusively to the spiritual authority."

These are daring and impudent utterances. No man nor body of men not in allegiance to a foreign power rather than to the Constitution of the United States, though resident here, would dare make them. They are utterly opposed both to good citizenship and to the best interests of our country. And

as instances of what would be the results, if carried out, in this country, we need only refer to Mexico, the South American States, Portugal, Spain, and to Rome, where for centuries these people have had the control and direction of the educational, as, also, of the religious forces. Shame on the American citizen, or even resident, who penned and caused to be published in this country these monstrous sentiments.

ART. V.-CESNOLA'S CYPRUS AND CYPRIOTE ART.

Cyprus: Its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples. A Narrative of Researches and
Excavations during Ten Years' Residence in that Island. By General
LOUIS PALMA DI CESNOLA, Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Turin;
Honorable Member of the Royal Society of Literature, London, etc. With
Maps and Illustrations. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1878.
Cyprus: Its Ancient Arts and History. Four Lectures delivered by General L. P.
DI CESNOLA, November, 1878, in Chickering Hall, New York City, and pub-
lished, with illustrations taken from monuments in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art, in Tribune Extra No. 4, on "Cypriote Art."

THE handsome volume before us, in which General di Cesnola has recorded the results of his explorations on the island of Cyprus, is supplemented in a very happy way by the popular lectures, wherein he sets forth his views respecting the bearing of his discoveries upon the development of ancient art. Together these two sources of information add greatly to our knowledge respecting a very interesting, but hitherto obscure, portion of the story of the intellectual progress of the human race. The historic island of Cyprus, to which so much attention has of late been turned, partly because of its recent transfer to the control of Great Britain, partly, also, in consequence of the archæological discoveries here described, is, more than any other single spot on the earth's surface, the point where the East and the West, Semitic and Japhetic influences, have met and intermingled. This was inevitable from its geographical position. From the Cypriote Cape Crommyon to Anemuryon, on the southern coast of Asia Minor, is a distance of scarcely more than forty miles, and in clear weather the hills of Cilicia can be descried from the site of the ancient city of Soli. On the east, the strait between Cyprus and Syria is not very much wider. From the

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