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rates are high upon imported goods which will be sold in Seligman, Prin. of this country in competition with American products, while Economics,

such articles as tea and coffee, which are not raised in the § 230. United States, come in duty free.

Tariff for revenue

only.

The policy of a protective tariff has been opposed by a great many Americans who believe that our prosperity would have been even greater than it has been if we had made use of a tariff for revenue only, which would allow much keener Economy, competition with foreign manufacturers.

Gide, Pol.

331-346.

and mini

mum tariff.1

The present tariff, known as the Payne tariff (1909), has Maximum very high protective rates in the form of a double tariff. There is a maximum and a minimum rate for each article imported, the minimum rates forming the regular tariff, and the maximum rates being enforced against all nations that do not give us as favorable terms as they give any other country.

Larned (ed.),

Hist. for
Ready Ref.,

Under the Dingley tariff of 1897, it was possible for the govern- Reciprocity ment to make reciprocity treaties by which the President and Senate under Ding(with the consent of Congress) might lower the regular duties levied ley tariff. on imports from a country in return for reductions made in her tariff schedules for the benefit of our exports to her citizens. In addition, if any country paid a bounty upon articles which we imported from her, the Dingley tariff permitted the President to increase our duties by an amount equal to the bounty. These additional retaliatory duties were used seldom, whereas a great number of reciprocity treaties were negotiated by the Department of State, some of which were 29 (1907), accepted by the Senate.

NATIONAL DEFENSE

VI, 581-582.

Annals

Am. Acad.
Pol. Sci.,

450-469.

Need of pre

for war to

237. General. One of the most serious of all national problems is that of defense against other powers. Continen- paredness tal Europe has been forced, by the nearness of its great insure countries to one another, into maintaining large standing peace. armies, but England has been able, because of her insular position, to depend chiefly on her navy. The United States, fortunate in having no powerful neighbors, has given little

1 On double tariff, see Osborne, J. B., in North American Review, 181 (1905), 731–744; Stone, N. I., in Annals of American Academy of Political Science, 29 (1907), 478–497.

Mahan,
Interest of

America in

Sea Power,

175-216.

Military powers of Congress.

Constitu

tion, Art. I, §8, cls. 10-16.

War powers

of the President.

Popular feeling.

thought to the subject until recent years. The advantages of adequate military and naval preparation for war, as a preventive of war or as a means of its successful prosecution if attacked, have been emphasized many times in the last half century. Even with the recent development of a peace spirit and the establishment of the Hague Tribunal to prevent armed conflicts between nations, only the most careless statesmen neglect the suggestion, "in time of peace, prepare for war.

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To Congress has been intrusted the right to declare war, to raise an army and create a navy, and to maintain the militia. War is not ordinarily carried on between civilized nations without a formal declaration from one or the other that "a state of war exists" between them. Our greatest wars, those of the Revolution and of Secession, have not required such a statement, because at the opening of each conflict one of the parties to the struggle had no international standing. In the minor conflicts, the declaration of war has always been made by the United States.

The President is commander-in-chief of the army and navy, but has never taken personal command of the military forces in time of war.

238. The American Army. - Public sentiment has compelled Congress to make our army as small as possible, since we have to-day the same dread of military despotism that made our forefathers insert in the Constitution the clause which denied to Congress the power to vote money for an army for a longer period than two years. This feeling showed itself in the law which was in force until 1898, that the regular army should not contain more than 25,000 enlisted men. In order to preserve order in our new colonies, an additional force was permitted by the law of Feb. 2, 1901, which placed the maximum at 100,000 enlisted men, and the minimum at 57,000.3

1 On the work of the Hague Tribunal, see Foster, Arbitration and the Hague Court, pp. 58-78.

2 The total strength of the army in 1907 was 3896 officers and 69,871 enlisted men.

In time of war the regular force is supplemented by volunteers who enlist usually for a term of three years or the war. During the Civil War, the enlistments numbered 2,859,132, from a loyal population of little more than twenty millions.

Organization and manage

ment of the army.

Leupp, F.E. in World's Work,

6 (1903), 4007-4016.

The present arrangement of the cavalry and infantry provides that every regiment shall contain three squadrons or battalions, each of which comprises four troops or companies. General oversight of the organization, equipment, and management of these forces is given to the General Staff, composed of army officers detailed for that work by the President. This Staff aids the President as commander-in-chief in the practical control of all military affairs, the chief of staff occupying much the same position as the former lieutenant general of the army. The need of technical training of officers led to the establishment, in 1802, of the West Point Military Academy. Each congressional district or territory is permitted to send one cadet, these being named by Military the representatives when a vacancy occurs; two are appointed by the schools. senators from every State, and forty are selected by the President from the country at large. After a four years' course, graduates of the academy are granted commissions as second lieutenants in the regular army. Non-commissioned officers are also given instruction in schools established at the army posts, or in special schools at Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley; still more advanced training being given at the War College at Washington.

Tillman, S

S., in Rev.

of Revs., 26 (1902),

45-53.

Rules for organizaservice.

tion and in

Parker, J., in No. Am.

Rev., 177 (1903),

239. The Militia. - This branch of the military service has always been considered a most valuable one, as it theoretically includes all able-bodied men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, a total of over 10,000,000. Only 1 per cent of these, however, are regularly enrolled and under discipline, forming the actual militia known as the national guard of the different States. These are in no sense like the reserves of European countries, for those reserves are composed of trained soldiers who are kept on the reserve list for years after they have served the two or three years required of them in the regular army. The militiamen Weekly, may be called upon by the President to suppress insurrections and repel invasions, being subject to the same rules as the regular soldiers, except that they may be kept in

278-287.

Mathews,

F., in Harp

47 (1903), 1439–1444.

Relation of
State and
Nation.

General needs.

Melville,

G. W., in
Annals

Am. Acad.
Pol. Sci.,
26 (1905),
123-136.

Specific needs.

Buehler,

W. H., in
Annals

Am. Acad. Pol. Sci., 26 (1905), 163-169.

service only nine months in the year and may not be called upon to do duty outside of the United States.

The general rules for the militia are passed by Congress, and provide for the method of organization, number of officers, method of election, Each State takes charge of all subjects not covered During the Civil War, President Lincoln called furnish militiamen three times, asking for 475,000

and other details.
by national law.
upon the States to
men in all.

240. Naval Defense.

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Because of our geographical situation and our lack of powerful neighbors, naturally dependence is placed on a navy rather than upon an army. The long coast line with fine harbors giving entrance to our largest cities; our insular possessions in the West Indies; our interests at Panama on the borders of the sea of great future importance, the Caribbean; our colonies in mid-Pacific and at the gateway of the far East,- all require naval and coast defense of a superior order. If navies are desirable at all, no other country, save England, requires so great a navy as the United States of America.

1

In these days when wars can be fought in one third the time a battleship can be constructed, there seems to be no alternative but the continued construction of huge costly fighting machines which constant improvements make obsolete within a few years. Fleets of battleships, armored cruisers, and less protected, but faster, cruisers must be supplemented by heavily armored coast defense vessels, by marvelously swift torpedo boats and torpedo-boat destroyers, by submarines and other modern warships. The new American navy has been in existence less than thirty years, but it is second only to that of Great Britain in fighting strength, excelling foreign navies especially in the superiority of the American seaman and gunner.

1 The construction of an interoceanic canal (§ 234) has been undertaken almost as much for the interest of naval protection as for the sake of commerce. The long trip of the Oregon in 1898 around Cape Horn did much to crystallize sentiment in favor of a canal, whose usefulness at that time would have been very great.

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