Whatever we

We shall not repeat the mistake of our fathers. advance we shall hold by the authority of law. The one allessential thing remaining to be done is to put forth every effort to secure political action. State political action is important, but national political action is all-important. I have endeavored to indicate why it is indispensable, and the only action which can render that of the States either permanent or efficient. If either should wait for the other, by all means let the States wait on the nation; let all the people of all the States concentrate upon one grand effort to amend the national constitution, so as to prohibit the manufacture, the sale, the importation, the exportation and the transportation of alcoholic beverages anywhere within the limits of the national domain. That is the way to rescue and preserve the States. It is easy thus to create the popular sentiment which must exist within the States in order that legislation may be secured in their several jurisdictions. The evil is national, and the war which saves the nation must be fought by the nation. The constitution, now the charter of the rum power, is to be amended by securing a two-thirds vote of both houses of Congress, submitting a proposition for that purpose to the States for their action, and its approval by three-fourths of the entire number of the States. The President has nothing to do with the submission of the proposed amendment to the States, because he legislates only by veto, which is nullified by a two-thirds vote of the two houses, and a two-thirds vote must be secured in its favor in the first place. Between the submission to the States and ratification by three-fourths of the States, a considerable period might, undoubtedly would, elapse, but we should succeed in the end. All the energy of the reform throughout the nation could be concentrated upon the States one after another, and I sincerely believe that, once before the people, we can complete the work in five years time. Nationally, little comparatively important, can be done now but to get two-thirds of both houses of Congress to vote to submit the proposed amendment to the people. It is nothing to us whether a senator or a representative be a Democrat or a Republican, a Prohibitory party man or a Labor man, whether he is for license or prohibition, provided he will vote to take the

THE PROHIBITORY AMENDMENT IN 1890.

537 sense of the people upon such a proposed amendment. That is what we want of him now. Only this and nothing more. What honest man can say that this request is unreasonable? What political party which cares for political freedom can deny to the millions who desire to be heard upon this tremendous question of the amendment of the constitution of the country, so as to preserve the existence of our nation and of our civilization before the only tribunal which can decide it, the exercise of this fundamental right? We ask no man or party now to pledge himself to advocate the amendment before the people; we will take care of that when we get to the people. But we demand that he shall give to us and that political parties shall give to us a chance to be heard in the proper forum - the forum of the people which is our right. It is our concern, not his or theirs, whether we are defeated or not when we reach the people of the several States. This is the temperance issue now rising in this whole land, and, until this is decided, no party, man or fac tion can project one of comparatively serious importance into national politics. There is temperance sentiment enough to choose a two-thirds vote in favor of submitting such an amendment to the people in the very next House of Representatives, provided it would go into the primaries and the conventions of political parties now existing, and then support in good faith at the polls the man who should have been pledged to submit the amendment to the people of the States. The Senate would surely vote immediately with the House upon this proposition. This amendment might be thus submitted to the people in 1890, and the amendment itself become a part of the law of the land before the close of the century.

Oh, fools and blind! Can we not discern the signs of the times?

No more mistakes should be made. The working people of this country are with us, and the whole temperance vote should combine for the submission of such an amendment. Control the primaries and nominating conventions. They are the hiding-places of political power. This ought not to be a party question; there should be unanimity in a matter like this, but I fear we can not hope so much as this for

our country. It would be the millennium. But let us try. Some party will adopt the issue and in this sign conquer.

I have thus endeavored to answer the question, what had better next be done in the temperance reform. Every man, woman and child is interested in the answer; future generations depend upon that answer for their destiny of weal or of woe. Without undervaluing local and State agitation and legislation, let us concentrate every energy and effort upon the one great work of securing the submission of a proposed national amendment to the people of the States. Then we shall have before us a period of agitation in the States for its ratification there. Thus we shall have regenerated the constitution, and the tremendous powers of the nation will soon throttle this Giant Despair, who is feeding by day and by night upon the bodies and souls of our countrymen. Let us wisely conserve our forces and our votes. Peaceful agencies, if wisely employed, will accomplish the grand result. Numerous issues, essential to the public welfare, are always pending, and great parties which are entrusted with national control must embrace and simultaneously deal with them all or perish, for they have no right to exist after they decline or fail to promote the public good.

Each man must decide for himself the method of his action. Let us, however, at least concentrate upon the things to be done, that the tremendous forces now dissipated in the sand may become a mighty torrent of beneficence and sweep away the nation's curse. Abating no whit of effort in the way of instruction or persuasion, increasing the activity of all the agencies now employed to influence individual municipal organizations and States, let us lift up the mighty banner of National Constitutional Prohibition. Let us ourselves contemplate the subject from this higher elevation.

The nation refuses to permit the importation of criminals. - then let us prohibit the importation of the cause of criminals and of crimes. We refuse to receive the paupers and outcasts of surrounding nations then let us repel from our borders the primal source of poverty, wretchedness and despair. What we refuse to receive from abroad shall we continue to manufacture and export? What we refuse, or ought to refuse to import or export, because of its malignant