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balances. But, if the increase of foreign commerce is a thing deliable, it appears to me that the commercial treaty has a tendency to occafion such an increale. I hope we are not so selfish as to de. fire all the advantages of it to be on our side; and I cannot prefume to think the French ministry fo unwile, as not to have the interest of France in view, in framing the different articles of the treaty, as well as the Englim ministry had the interest of Great Britain. How! Can the treaty be both beneficial to us, and to the French? And why not? even on the supportion of the annual balance of trade between the two nations, being perfe&tly equal, the commercial intercourse between them may nevertheless be greatly beneficial to both.'
. I have seen,' says he, ' at Marseilles, a cargo of Dutch cheeses that would have nearly purchased a cargo of French wine, the pound of cheese being nearly an equivalent for a bottle of wine ; and I own I was sorry that England had precluded herself from making the same exchange. How many places are there in France where a pound of the bett Englim cheese would purchase two bottles of good Burgundy; and should the posliffois of those two different com modities with an interchange, is there much policy in obstruct. ing them?'
The author of A View of the Treaty of Commerce with France *, thinking he had discovered an insuperable reason against any com. mercial connection between the two kingdoms, the validity of that objection is thus considered:
This author lays it down as a principle, that the staple manufaclures of wine, brandy, vinegar, oil, &c. give France a physical superiority to the prejudice of England; and, never doubting of the jullness of his principle, is thereby led into numberleis errors throughout his performance. As much stress has been laid upon this principle, though a false one, and as it is apt, when ignorantly adopted, to fill the minds of well-meaning people with apprehenfoons, a more particular examination of it may therefore not be un. profitable. The example I have before given, of a pound of cheese having a marketable value equal to two bottles of wine, at once shews the futility of it; but the more narrowly it is viewed, the more unfound it will appear. If we reckon what will best feed and maintain man (and that will be the ultimate standard of all commercial balances), an acre of wheat, or an acre of potatoes, will be of more value than an acre of oranges, or olives, or sugar. The late war afforded an infiance of an acre of onions from New York, selling in the Weit Indies for what would purchase two acres of sugar. In how many places of England, may not an acre of dairy yield as much, in butter, as an acre of olive trees would yieid in oil? In many parts of England one may fee, in the months of December, January, and February, young lambs feeding in the meadows with their dams, while one half of the neighbouring continent of Europe is buried under snow; and, in the months of June, July, and Auguit, our cattle ftill find food in the fields, while the southern climates of Europe are, from the excess of heat,
• See Rev. Feb. lait, p. 169.
yielding yielding almoft as little sustenance for cattle, as if they were covered with water. It may, therefore, juftly be presumed, that the benefits arising from our mild winters, and perpetual pastorage, when contrasted with those which the hot summers confer upon France, give the physical superiority to the side of Great Britain.
Our author is as little satisfied with the reasons why our connection with Portugal should stand in the way of a like intercourse with France. If the Portuguese think the Methuen treaty advantage. ous to them, why may they not still continue it? If they think it disadvantageous, they will, doubtless, rejoice at the cessation of it. The reasoning of some of our orators and writers, who have objected to the commercial treaty on this ground, is moft curious, and most extraordinary. After enumerating, with all the painful accuracy of haberdashers or shopkeepers, the balances of trade for a long course of years, between Portugal and England, they conclude, from a comparison of the debtor and creditor columns, that it has been most gainful to England; and, at the same time, that the Portuguese will be highly offended if any alteration is made in it!'
On the whole, this sensible writer concludes, that with a due cultivation of our domestic advantages, we have no occafion to distract our minds about the balance of trade: the custom-house balance of profit, and the political balance of profit, being widely different. Art. 21. Alarming Progress of French Politics: an Appeal to the
People of Great Britain. 8vo. 15. Jameson. 1787. If the French have been as alert in canvassing the dangers of a neighbourly correspondence with us, as we have been on our part, the regulations of it cannot be censured as having been settled with. out sufficient consideration; for no transaction could have excited more attention, both of good and bad heads, than the commercial treaty! It thould seem as if objections were now drawn off down to the very lees,' and nothing left but foul-mouthed abuse; at least nothing but fcurrility is offered to the Public in this worthless publi. cation. Art. 22. Speech of the Right Hon. Henry Flood, in the House of
Commons, 'Feb. 15, 1787, on the Commercial Treaty with • France. 8vo. 15. Debrett.
Mr. Flood is strenuous against the treaty; and his speech is argu. mentative and eloquent. Gentlemen on the other side of the question have also reasoned powerfully: the event will beit hew which party is most in the right; and the experiment must be tried.
POLITICAL. Art. 23. Anticipation of the Speeches intended to have been spoken
in the House of Commons, May 4, on the Motion of Alderman Newnham, relative to the Affairs of the Prince of Wales. 8vo. 25. Kearsley, 1787.
Mr. Tickell * has the merit of the first thought, and of the title, here repeated, and applied to an interesting and popular subje&t.
* See the account of this gentleman's “ Anticipation," Rev. vol. lix. P. 390.
This Imitator is not a servile one. He is more successful than copiers generally are. Many things are well said; and there are, in our opinion, some reprehensible passages, of the sarcastical kind. We think the Shropshire Baronet, in particular, is ill treated. Art. 24. Reponse de M. NECKER, au Discours prononcé par M. de
Calonne à l'Assemblée des Notables. 8vo. 25. 6d. Debrett.
In our next, we mall give an account of this tract, from the translation. Art. 25. A Hint to the British Nation on the Violation of their Con
ftitutional Rights. 8vo. Is. Debrett. 1787. The late act respecting the servants of the East India Company is here reprobated, as tending to deprive those gentlemen of the most valuable blessings of freedom, particularly the trial by jury. The Author observes, that the number of persons in the Company's service against whom any specific charge has been alledged, bears a very small proportion to the whole number employed; and that, were a like comparison to be made among the servants of the nation at home and abroad, it is doubtful in whose favour the scale of in. tegrity would preponderate.
Another grievance complained of, in a petition from the Bengal army to Lord North, is, his Majesty's regulation respecting military rank, between his officers and those of the Cumpany, whereby the latter rank as youngest of each degree, the same as the provincial troops in America, and the embodied militia in England. Against this arrangement many arguments are adduced, some of them instancing particular cases, which bear hard on the Company's troops. This grievance, if not redressed, as well as those complained of by the civil servants of the Company, may, the Author obliquely hints, be productive of disagreeable circumstances.
The petition is, on the whole, well drawn up; there is, however, one considerable mistake in that paragraph, wherein it is asserted, that the regulation complained of, was, during the late war, abo. lished in favour of the militia. Militia colonels, of a certain standing, had indeed army rank, but no alteration was made in the rank of any of the other officers. Art. 26. Prémiere Suite, &c. First Continuation of Considerations
on some parts of the Mechanism of Societies, by the Marquis de Casaux, of the Royal Society of London, and of that of Agri. culture in Florence. 8vo. 15. 6d. Elmsley. 1786.
The Marquis de Casaux continues his political speculations nearly in the same train as in his larger work, which we announced to our readers in our Review for the last month. The thoughts and mode of illustration are very similar. The same quickness of ima. gination, ingenuity in reasoning, and fondness for paradoxical bypotheses, that directly oppose received opinions, characterise the present. The chief tendency of this essay is to Thew, that a reduction of the interest of money would be a great national milfortune. The arguments, too, reft on the same doubtful foundation, and do not admit of abridgment.
We are sorry to be informed, by a memoir presented to Lord Sydney, copied into our Author's introduction, that his Majesty's
liberal liberal intentions of protecting the French inhabitants of Granada, seem to have been, in a great measure, frustrated by the manner in which those who have been intrusted with authority there have thought proper to act; on the other hand, we are happy to find, that the King of France has had the magnanimity to grant full protection to the English Proteitants at Tobago. This, we hope, will serve to excite a lpirit of emulation between the two nations, and make them try who shall most excel in acts of national justice and generosity. The Seconde Suite is published; but we have not yet perused it.
IRELAND. Art. 27. A Vindication of the Principles and Character of the Presby'terians of Ireland. Addressed to the Bishop of Cloyne, in Aniwer to his Book entitled, The Present State of the Church of Ireland *. The third Edition t. By William Campbell, D. D. Minister of Armagh. 8vo. Is. 6d. Evans.
The bishop of Cloyne, in his State of the Church of Ireland, exposed himself to this severe retort, by unnecessarily itigmatizing the Presbyterians of that country, as independents, whose principles tend not to set up, but to pull down an ecclesiastical establishment; and therefore as not intitled to national confidence. So pointed an accu. sation, though we took no farther notice than merely to cite it, while attentive to his lord ship’s representation of the hardships the clergy there suffered, by mob-law on account of tithes, could not be overlooked by an impartial observer; and we then imagined it would probably be taken up by some one of those whom it immediately affeded. Accordingly, a temperate and masterly vindication of that respectable body of Protestants, respectable as well from their numbers as their principles, from this injurious aspersion, injurious not only to the accured, but also to the accuser, has been executed by an able advocate. It is much to be lamented that even the inroads of a common enemy cannot awaken a sense of duty, and eradicate the feeds of ill.will from the breasts of those who ought to unite their common strength to repel the invader.
The bishop argued, “ that almost every legislature (in Europe) has adopted an ecclefiaftical policy conformable to the genius of the civil conftitution :' and, that our established church " is so effentially incorporated with the state, that the subversion of the one must neceffarily overthrow the other.” To investigate the first poîtion, Dr. Campbell runs cursorily through ecclefiaftical hittory, from the time of Constantine, who gave his imperial sanction and support to the Christian church, to shew that ecclesiastical establishment did not tend to the flability or peace of the empire, but was subversive of the public peace and happiness' As little can he find it in the English hierarchy, which the bishop affirms to be friendly to civil liberty. But,' adds Dr. Campbell,' whatever the ecclesiastical establishment is, and to whatever period we are to asign it (for you have not defined it), you assure us, it is an essential part of the con.
• See Rev. April, p. 341. + The two former editions, we are informed, were printed at Dublin.
ftitution-and that there is a natural union of the civil with the ecclesiastical branch of the constitucion.” If it be the present establishment of the Protestant church, which is an efential part of the constitution this position is contradicted by fact--for the Britannic conllitution flourished in great vigour many ages before che Reformation-But if you would include also the Popish establishment in former times, you have already told us, this is congenial with arbitrary dominion, and consequently cannot be an essential part of a free conititution; nor can there be a natural union between them.
· There is another difficulty --After laying it down that the ecclefiaftical establithment is an efential part of the constitution - you say, “ the kingdom of Scotland may perhaps be held forward in oppofition to these principles; but you answer, that a single exception is never a fair objection to a general rule.” -Shall we call this an oversight, or an apparent inconfiftency in reasoning, to allege chat any thing can exist without what is esential to it? In any other subject, this would be looked upon as a contradiction in terms; but where ecclefiaftical authority is concerned, it may sometimes be a merit to assert and believe what is unintelligible. Yet (as he observes in another place), you describe the clergy a helpless “ class of men,” and call aloud for support, not only from government, but from Presbyterians - Here is the most apparent inconsistency; for you have faid before, that the members of the established church alone can be cordial friends to the entire conftitution of this realm with perfeet con. Atency of principle. If this means any thing, the entire conftitution must mean the church and state, and the reason why Presbyterians cannot be cordial friends, is their dislent from the church-and yet you call upon them to support you in that part alone, where you say they cannot be cordial friends, with consistency of principle. What shall we say of such reasoning as this? and what credit will the public give to those charges you have brought against Presbyterians, which you yourself seem immediately to relinquish? The nation is not so blind, as to chink the Itate is in the finalleit danger from the distresses of the South- and your want of information in regard to the principles and conduct of the Presbyterians of Ulster, where you lived so long, will induce them to receive with caution all that you bave said concerning the risings and tumulis in Muniter.'
To come to the pinch of the question in dispute, the Doctor urges that ' if indeed the evil be this prefing, if there be the most urgent necessity for Protestants of every denomination to unite their strength in support of our admired conftitution, where was the prudence of an unprovoked attack upon the whole body of Presbyterians ? Was it prudent to hold out to the world, that the Protestants of Ireland were not intimately united in support of the conititution ? Is it thus you would strengthen the hands of government? And, at a moment so awful and critical in your apprehenfion, could it be imagined that wisdom should di&tate the expedience of representing the Presbyterians, who form the great body of Proteltants in this kingdom, and who consequently form the great natural strength of our Protestant government, as a “ body of men who cannot be entitled to national conAdence ?" You oughs, my lord, before you brought such a charge, to