now the chief priests and wise of this world, fearing for their dignity, power, ease, and other advantages, should not recognize the preaching of the truth, or consent to a pious alteration, till it should be explained as conducive to their own emolument. Colleges and monasteries appeared to be founded from the first, not for the purpose of saying masses, but for the instruction of youth, and the support of the poor; and to have been enriched by royal grants down to the time of Augustine, and even of Bernard. But they began to be founded for the sake of stated masses about four or five hundred years since, and for the dead in particular scarcely two hundred. Yet they ought to be abolished as errors, though they might be of greater antiquity. For Paul, even in his day, complained of a striving for ceremonies, and the tyranny of Antichrist. The most ancient custom to the time of Cyprian, was, to administer the whole sacrament to those who stood round; but the present mode was subsequently introduced, as appeared even from the difference in the Milanese missals. The rage of their adversaries was not to be regarded, nor perils to be dreaded, since Christ had foretold, and the Apostles experienced them; and their increase was to be expected in the latter days. The Gospel was to be a stone of stumbling, a rock of offence, and a sign that should be spoken against." Frederick was not induced, by this honest representation, to give a public sanction to their measures; but his hesitation was regarded, by the reforming party, in the light of connivance; and they prosecuted the work of innovation, on the subject of private masses, to the great satisfaction of Luther, whose spirit was cheered in his confinement by intelligence of their proceedings. But though the zeal of Melanc 1 thon was tempered with moderation, the period was disgraced by its fanatical effervescence in the less enlightened. Nicholas Storck, Martin Cellarius, and Mark Stubner, who had been preaching wild notions, together with the enthusiastic Thomas Munzer, at Zwickau in Misnia, came to Wittenberg. The former was a baker, who had selected twelve others, called by him apostles, and also seventy-two disciples, to assist his cause. The others were ignorant mechanics, except Stubner, who was a man of letters. They pretended to enjoy visions and revelations, and acquired great ascendancy over the minds of the populace. Their arrival was a source of disquietude to our Reformer; but, after holding some converse with Stubner on their pretensions, he resolved to write to the Elector in a strain, which shows the excessive caution of his character, if it does not argue danger of being carried away by their dissimulation. "Your Highness will excuse the liberty I take in addressing you, from the importance of the reason. It is not unknown to your Highness, that there have been many, various, and perilous dissensions, concerning the word of God, in your city of Zwickau. Some persons have been cast into prison there for seditious practices. Three of the ringleaders are come hither; two of them ignorant weavers, the third a man of education. I have heard their statements, and they declare wonderful things of themselves, that they are sent by God to teach, that they have familiar intercourse with the Deity, and that they can foretel things to come! In fact, they assume to be prophets and apostles; and I cannot describe the effect which they have produced on my mind. I see strong reasons for not treating them in a contemptuous manner, for there is manifestly an extraordinary spirit in them; but what sort of a spirit it is, I think it would puzzle any man living to decide, except Professor Martin. And as the safety of the Gospel itself is concerned, as well as the peace and glory of the church, I submit to your Highness that he ought to be at liberty to examine them, especially as they challenge the investigation. I would not have made this request, if the magnitude of the affair had not required mature counsel. At the same time we must be on our guard against Satan's devices. May the Lord grant your Highness long life for the good of his church." The Elector laid the matter before his council, and to assist their deliberations required some further information; but after the receipt of letters both from Melancthon and Amsdorff, which informed them that the subject of infant baptism was discussed by Storck and his followers, and objections started against it which were difficult to answer, and rendered the judgment of Luther still more desirable, they were unable to come to a decision. At length, at one of their sittings, Frederick ordered that the appellants should be informed, "that he had expected more urgent arguments than had been advanced for his interference; that they knew that he himself could pretend to no such knowledge of Scripture as might qualify him to determine what ought to be done; but for his own part he doubted the expediency of disputing with such characters at all; that the effect of the Leipsic conference had only been to brand the Wittenbergers as heretics; that they should take care not to make themselves more obnoxious, dispute about podobaptism, while the authority of Augustine might suffice, to which the Wittenbergers were wont to defer; and that it certainly did not appear, that God had any purpose to answer by means of these men, though some or times he was pleased to make use of vile instruments; that he had received representations from his brother John and his kinsman George of the disturbances at Zwickau, which required him to prevent their repetition at Wittenberg; that it was moreover impossible to recall Luther, without danger to his person; and that it was sufficient to add, as he had defended him so far, he should not be condemned unheard, while he left the rest to the emperor, as liege lord. With respect to these men, if he knew what justice demanded, he would do it, without regard to relations or consequences; but as the case stood it was the safest way to let them alone." In This discreet answer of Frederick was followed by a remonstrance from Luther, whose advice Melancthon had requested, penned with his usual energy, and calculated to fortify the vacillating mind of his friend. "In regard to these prophets, I must say, with due deference to your superior sagacity and erudition, I cannot approve of your timid behaviour. the first place, when they bear record of themselves, they are not entitled to immediate credence; but, as John says, their spirits should be tried. You know Gamaliel's advice about letting them alone; though as yet I hear of nothing said or done by them which exceeds the powers of Satan. For my own satisfaction, however, I would have you examine what proof they can give of their calling. God never yet sent any one, no, not even his own Son, without a call from man, or a declaration by miracles. The prophets formerly had authority by prophetic law and order, as we have now by men. I am altogether against acknowledging them on their bare assertion of a divine revelation, since God did not choose that even Samuel should speak, but under the sanction of Eli. So much for their public of fice as teachers. But examine also their private spirit, whether they have experienced spiritual distresses, a new birth from above, and the terrors of death and hell.-The majesty of God maketh no immediate revelation, so as to be visible to man; for none can see him and live. Nature could not bear the least glimpse of his oracle. Therefore he uses man's instrumentality. For the virgin was troubled at the appearance of an angel; so was Daniel and Jeremiah saith, Correct me, but with judgment; be not a terror unto me.' Why should I say more? As if His majesty could speak familiarly with the old man, without previous death and purification from his ill savour, for our God is a consuming fire.' Even dreams and visions of saints are terrible things when duly apprehended. Try them well, then, and listen not even to a glorified Jesus, unless you see him first crucified." 6 The strong language used by Luther to his correspondent shows, that he was aware of the bad tendency which the insinuating manner or confident expressions of a fanatic like Stubner might have, even on the mind of a Melancthon. The latter was induced to give him a more patient hearing than might be expected from Luther; but whatever opinion he might entertain of his sincerity, he could not but have been disgusted with the absurdity of his reveries. One day, while Philip was engaged in writing, Mark, who sat opposite, reclined his head on the table and fell into a doze. Waking on a sudden, he lifted himself up, fixed his eyes on his companion, and asked abruptly, "What do you think of Chrysostom?"-" I have a high opinion of him," answered Philip, but I cannot say I approve his occasional verbosity.". "Well," replied Mark, "I have just seen him in a woeful case in purgatory!" Melancthon could not help smiling at such a declaration, but soon after thought proper to quit his company, lamenting the mention of that very purgatory which they had mutually treated as a popish imposture. When Luther returned from his confinement, his powerful addresses began to restore peace and unanimity among the people, and to divert their attention from these fanatical pretenders. After a while he consented to an interview with Stubner, Cellarius, and another, in the presence of Melancthon. The Saxon Professor had been prevailed upon, not without difficulty, to admit them to a conference; but when the time arrived he listened with tolerable calmness to the representations of the most literary visionary. As soon as they were finished, he briefly replied; "Take care what ye are doing. None of your accounts have the least support from Scripture. They are merely the result of a heated imagination, or perhaps the phrenzied and dangerous suggestions of a lying and deceitful spirit!" On this, Cellarius, starting up like a madman, stamped the ground and beat the table, and expressed the most lively resentment that Luther should dare to speak thus of such an inspired person as his friend Stubner. The latter, more composed, said, "Luther, to convince you that I am influenced by the Spirit of God, I will tell you what is now passing in your mind. You are inclining to believe in the truth of my doctrine.' But the Reformer declared, that his thoughts were then engaged on that awful sentence, "The Lord rebuke thee, Satan." They then boasted, and threatened, and promised, what mighty things they would perform to authenticate their commission; but he simply bid them depart with these words, "The God whom I serve and adore will easily restrain your pretended powers, that no such effect should follow." It ap pears, that these wretched men were so disconcerted that they left the town the very same day. Those who reflect on the easiness with which some, even in the Protestant communion, and in the eighteenth century, have been led to give heed to seducing spirits; on the credulity with which the visions of a learned Swedenborg have been entertained on one hand, and the hallucinations of an illiterate Southcott, on the other; and on that lack of Christian sobriety discoverable in some pious characters, whose glowing fancies have tempted them to such expressions as seem to suit those alone who are the immediate subjects of divine revelation; will not regard this particularity of detail as altogether superfluous. A modern writer has expressed himself with so much good sense and genuine charity on this delicate affair, as it affects so eminent a reformer as the Greek Professor of Wittenberg, that license is anticipated for the adoption of his remarks. "Should any be disposed to censure the conduct of Melancthon for that extreme leniency which he manifested to Storck and his associates from Zwickau, be it recollected, that though Luther's zeal charged him with undue timidity, a word which he and historians after him have applied with great incaution, several extenuating circumstances must not be overlooked. Stubner being a man of learning, and probably of some address, and knowing the importance of obtaining, if possible, the influence of Melancthon, probably resorted to every insinuating method to gain his support, disclosing his sentiments only in a very gradual manner. The real goodness and amiable temper for which Melancthon was so remarkable, predisposed him to judge favourably of others, especially if they were professedly in pursuit of truth. He was himself a diligent and patient inquirer. It was a period of religious discovery, and he daily felt that he had much to learn. The very extravagances of these prophets were not more abhorrent to the present views of the Reformers, than the tenets of Lutheranism were to the mind of Luther himself, at a previous and not very remote period of his life. Every impartial person must perceive, what many transactions hereafter to be recorded will fully prove, that the hesitation of Melancthon in deciding upon new subjects, or in difficult cases which seemed to require a promptitude of action, resulted not so much from timidity as from conscientious scruples of mind. It was not that he feared temporal, but moral consequences; and though Luther may be excused in a period when the mind was habitually kept warm and irascible by controversy, for using such an epithet, those who are solicitous of forming a correct idea of him will rather deem it slanderous than descriptive to call him the timid Melanethon. If, after all, his first treatment of Storck and his associates be considered as an unwarrantable excess of candour, his language became more decided as his convictions of their delusion and misconduct increased: and if this be a shade in his character, it is otherwise so bright, that the admitted imperfection will not materially obscure it; and the biographer can feel no very powerful temptation, where such a splendour of excellence is discernible, to become the laboured apologist." While the part borne by Melancthon in the translation of the Scriptures rendered him one of the greatest benefactors of the church of Christ, Luther was anxious that his services should extend beyond the mere labour of translation; and knowing that he had written a Commentary on the Epistle of Paul to the Romans, took secret possession of the manuscript, and printed it without the author's knowledge. In our day, when questions relating to literary property have received abundant discussion, the jealousy with which its rights are watched would admit no excuse for such an act from the previous intimacy of the parties; and it must be owned, that there was a want of delicacy and propriety in the act itself. Luther doubtless felt that the contents of the manuscript ought to be known as extensively as possible; and while he despaired of obtaining the consent of its diffident author to the publication, would consider the publication itself a tribute of open respect to the talent and piety of his friend. It is impossible, however, to refuse forgiveness to the offender, from the good humour with which he confesses his fault, though he will not stoop to ask pardon. "Martin Luther to Philip Melancthon. Grace and peace in Christ. "Be angry, and sin not; commune with your own heart, and in your chamber, and be still. I am the man who has taken the liberty of publishing your Annotations, and I now have the pleasure of presenting you with your own work. If you are not pleased with it, I cannot help it: it may be sufficient to say, you please us. If I have done wrong, you are to blame; why did you not publish it yourself? Why did you suffer me to ask you again and again to give it to the world? So much for ароlogy. You see I am willing to be reckoned a thief, and am prepared for your accusations or complaints. As to the critics that you suspect, my answer is, Do better, gentlemen. What the impious Thomists have the arrogance and falsehood to attribute to their great oracle, that no one has written better upon St. Paul, I truly affirm of you. Satan himself instigates them to talk in this way of Thomas Aquinas, and to spread his pernicious doctrines far and wide. When I talk of you in the same way, I know the spirit and judgment with which I speak. If these wiseacres choose to sneer at my opinion, it is my concern, not yours. But I wish to vex these scorners more and more; and I say, that the commentaries of Jerome and Origen are mere children's play compared to your Annotations. But you reply, what good is there in setting these great men against me? Well, you may be humble if you please; but let me boast for you. Who has ever prohibited persons of superior ability from publishing something better if they can? the best way, by the bye, of proving the incorrectness of my judgment. For my part, I wish we could find out those who could and would publish something better. Moreover, I give you fair warning, that if you do not send out your remarks upon Genesis, and the Gospels of Matthew and John, I shall hand them off in the same manner. You say, Scripture ought to be read alone, and without a commentary. This is right enough, if you speak in reference to Jerome, Origen, Thomas Aquinas, and others of that class for they have delivered their own sentiments rather than those of Paul or Christ. But the Annotations of Philip cannot be called a commentary, but a guide to the study of Scripture and the knowledge of Christ, such as has never yet appeared. And I can hardly believe you, when you plead your own serious dissatisfaction with your work. But, however, I will say I do believe you-you are not satisfied with yourself. What then? No one ever asked you. No, indeed, we would wish Paul to keep his pre-eminence, lest any one should insinuate that Philip is superior or equal to Paul. It is sufficient that you should be second to Paul; but we shall not be sorry to see another get nearer to him. We |