prefent time differs from any other only by the circumftance of what is doing in France. If the example of that nation is to have an influence on this, I can eafily conceive why some of their proceedings which have an unpleasant aspect, and are not quite reconcileable to humanity, generofity, good faith, and justice, are palliated with so much milky good-nature towards the actors, and borne with fo much heroick fortitude towards the fufferers. It is certainly not prudent to discredit the authority of an example we mean to follow. But allowing this, we are led to a very natural queftion;-What is that caufe of liberty, and what are thofe exertions in its favour, to which the example of France is fo fingularly aufpicious? Is our monarchy to be annihilated, with all the laws, all the tribunals, and all the ancient corporations of the kingdom? Is every land-mark of the country to be done away in favour of a geometrical and arithmetical conftitution? Is the house of lords to be voted useless? Is epifcopacy to be abolished? Are the church lands to be fold to Jews and jobbers; or given to bribe new-invented municipal republicks into a participation in facrilege? Are all the taxes to be voted grievances, and the revenue reduced to a patriotick contribution, or patriotick prefents? Are filver fhoe-buckles to be fubftituted in the place of the land tax and the malt tax, for the fupport of the naval ftrength of this kingdom? VOL. V.

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Are all orders, ranks, and diftinctions to be confounded, that out of universal anarchy, joined to national bankruptcy, three or four thoufand democracies should be formed into eighty-three, and that they may all, by fome fort of unknown attractive power, be organized into one? For this great end is the army to be feduced from its difcipline and its fidelity, firft by every kind of debauchery, and then by the terrible precedent of a donative in the increafe of pay? Are the curates to be feduced from their bishops, by holding out to them the delufive hope of a dole out of the fpoils of their own order? Are the citizens of London to be drawn from their allegiance by feeding them at the expence of their fellow-fubjects? Is a compulfory paper currency to be fubftituted in the place of the legal coin of this kingdom? Is what remains of the plundered ftock of pub lick revenue to be employed in the wild project of maintaining two armies to watch over and to fight with each other? If these are the ends and means of the revolution society, I admit they are well afforted; and France may furnish them for both with precedents in point.

I fee that your example is held out to fhame us. I know that we are fuppofed a dull fluggish race, rendered paffive by finding our fituation tolerable, and prevented by a mediocrity of freedom from ever attaining to its full perfection. Your leaders

in France began by affecting to admire, almost to adore, the British constitution; but as they advanced, they came to look upon it with a fovereign contempt. The friends of your national affembly amongst us have full as mean an opinion of what was formerly thought the glory of their country. The revolution fociety has difcovered that the English nation is not free. They are convinced that the inequality in our representation is a "defect in our conftitution fo grofs and pal

pable, as to make it excellent chiefly in form and "theory." That a representation in the legiflature of a kingdom is not only the basis of all conftitutional liberty in it, but of "all legitimate go

verriment; that without it a government is no"thing but an ufurpation;"-that "when the re"presentation is partial, the kingdom poffeffes li"berty only partially; and if extremely partial, "it gives only a femblance; and if not only extremely partial, but corruptly chofen, it becomes a nuisance." Dr. Price confiders this inadequacy of representation as our fundamental grievance; and though, as to the corruption of this semblance of representation, he hopes it is not yet arrived to its full perfection of depravity; he fears that "nothing will be done towards gaining for us this effential bleffing, until fome great abuse of

* Difcourfe on the Love of our Country, 3d edit. p. 39.

power again provokes our refentment, or fome great calamity again alarms our fears, or perhaps "till the acquifition of a pure and equal reprefenta"tion by other countries, whilft we are mocked with "the shadow, kindles our fhame." To this he' fubjoins a note in these words. "A reprefenta"tion chofen chiefly by the treasury, and a few "thousands of the dregs of the people, who are "generally paid for their votes."

You will fmile here at the confiftency of those democratifts, who, when they are not on their guard, treat the humbler part of the community with the greateft contempt, whilft, at the fame time, they pretend to make them the depofitories of all power. It would require a long difcourfe to point out to you the many fallacies that lurk in the generality and equivocal nature of the terms "inadequate representation.". I fhall only fay here, in juftice to that old fashioned conftitution, under which we have long profpered, that our reprefentation has been found perfectly adequate to all the purposes for which a representation of the people can be defired or devifed. I defy the enemies of our conftitution to fhew the contrary. To detail the particulars in which it is found fo well to promote its ends, would demand a treatise on our practical conftitution. Iftate here the doctrine of the revolutionifts, only that you and others may fee, what an opinion these gentlemen entertain

entertain of the conftitution of their country, and why they seem to think that some great abuse of power, or some great calamity, as giving a chance for the bleffing of a constitution according to their ideas, would be much palliated to their feelings; you fee why they are fo much enamoured of your fair and equal reprefentation, which being once obtained, the same effects might follow. You fee they confider our house of commons as only "a "femblance," "a form," "a theory," "a fha"dow," "a mockery," perhaps "a nuisance."

These gentlemen value themselves on being fyftematick; and not without reafon. They must therefore look on this grofs and palpable defect of representation, this fundamental grievance (fo they call it) as a thing not only vicious in itself, but as rendering our whole government abfolutely illegitimate, and not at all better than a downright ufurpation. Another revolution to get rid of this illegitimate and ufurped government, would of course be perfectly juftifiable, if not abfolutely neceffary. Indeed their principle, if you obferve it with any attention, goes much further than to an alteration in the election of the house of commons; for, if popular representation, or choice, is neceffary to the legitimacy of all government, the houfe of lords is, at one ftroke, baftardized and corrupted in blood. That house is no reprefentative of the people at all, even in "femblance or