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isters; and that she would not have left the throne in the
same unsettled state at her death as she had persevered
express herself
in during her whole life. How did she
when bequeathing the crown to James the First, or did she
bequeath it at all?

In the popular pages of her female historian, Miss
Aikin has observed, that the closing scene of the long
and eventful life of Queen Elizabeth was marked by that
peculiarity of character and destiny which attended her
from the cradle, and pursued her to the grave.' The last
days of Elizabeth were, indeed, most melancholy-she
died a victim of the higher passions, and perhaps as much
of grief as of age, refusing all remedies and even nour-
ishment. But in all the published accounts, I can nowhere
discover how she conducted herself respecting the circum-
stance of our present inquiry. The most detailed narra-
tive, or as Gray the poet calls it, the Earl of Monmouth's
odd account of Queen Elizabeth's death,' is the one most
deserving notice; and there we find the circumstance of
this inquiry introduced. The queen, at that moment, was
reduced to so sad a state, that it is doubtful whether her
majesty was at all sensible of the inquiries put to her
The Earl of
by her ministers respecting the succession.
Monmouth says, on Wednesday, the 23d of March, she
grew speechless. That afternoon, by signs, she called
for her council, and by putting her hand to her head when
the king of Scots was named to succeed her, they all knew
he was the man she desired should reign after her.' Such
a sign as that of a dying woman putting her hand to her
bead was, to say the least, a very ambiguous acknowledg-
ment of the right of the Scottish monarch to the English
throne. The odd' but very natve account of Robert
Cary, afterwards Earl of Monmouth, is not furnished
with dates, nor with the exactness of a diary. Something
might have occurred on a preceding day which had not
reached hun. Camden describes the death-bed scene of
Elizabeth by this authentic writer it appears that she had
confided her state-secret of the succession to the lord ad-
miral (the Earl of Nottingham;) and when the earl found
the queen almost at her extremity, he communicated her
majesty's serret to the council, who commissioned the lord
admiral, the lord keeper, and the secretary to wait on her
majesty, and acquaint her that they came in the name of
the rest to learn her pleasure in reference to the succession.
The queen was then very weak, and answered them with
a faint voice, that she had already declared, that as she
held a regal sceptre, so she desired no other than a royal
successor. When the secretary requested her to explain
herself, the queen said, 'I would have a king succeed me;
and who should that be but my nearest kinsman, the king
of Scots ? Here this state-conversation was put an end
to by the interference of the archbishop advising her ma-
jesty to turn her thoughts to God. Never,' she replied,
has my mind wandered from him.'

An historian of Camden's high integrity would hardly have forged a fiction to please the new monarch; yet Camden has not been referred to on this occasion by the exact Birch, who draws his information from the letters of the French ambassador, Villeroy; information which it appears the English ministers had confined to this ambassa dor; nor do we get any distinct ideas from Elizabeth's more recent popular historian, who could only transcribe the account of Cary. He had told us a fact which he could not be mistaken in, that the queen fell speechless on Wednesday, 23d of March, on which day, however, she called her council, and made that sign with her hand, which, as the lords chose to understand, for ever united the two kingdoms. But the noble editor of Cary's Memoirs (the Earl of Cork and Orrery,) has observed, that the speeches made for Elizabeth on her death bed are all forged." Echard, Rapin, and a long string of historians, make her say faintly (so faintly indeed that it could not possibly be heard,) I will that a king succeed me, and who should that be but my nearest kinsman the king of Scots ? A different account of this matter will be found 'She was speechless, and alin the following memoirs. most expiring, when the chief counsellors of state were called into her hed-chamber. As soon as they were perfectly convinced that she could not utter an articulate word, and scarce could hear or understand one, they named the king of Scots to her, a liberty they dared not to have taken if she had been able to speak; she put her hand to her head, which was probably at that time in agonizing pain. The lords, who interpreted her signs just as they pleased, were immediately convinced that the motion of her hand to No. 12.

SOT.

her head was a declaration of James the Sixth as her succes-
What was this but the unanimous interpretations of
persons who were adoring the rising sun?'

This is lively and plausible; but the noble editor did
not recollect that the speeches made by Elizabeth on her
death-bed,' which he deems 'forgeries, in consequence of
the circumstance he had found in Cary's Memoirs, origin-
ate with Camden, and were only repeated by Rapin and
Echard, &c. I am now to confirm the narrative of the
elder historian, as well as the circumstance related by
Cary, describing the sign of the queen a little differently,
which happened on Wednesday 23d. A hitherto unno-
ticed document pretends to give a fuller and more circum-
stantial account of this affair, which commenced on the
preceding day, when the queen retained the power of
speech; and it will be confessed that the language here
used has all that loftiness and brevity which was the natu
I have discovered a curious doc-
ral style of this queen.
ument in a manuscript volume formerly in the possession
of Petyt, and seemingly in his own hand-writing. I do
not doubt its authenticity, and it could only have come
from some of the illustrious personages who were the act-
This
ors in that solemn scene, probably from Cecil.
memorandum is entitled,

'Account of the last words of Queen Elizabeth about her Successor.

'On the Tuesday before her death, being the twentythird of March, the admiral being on the right side of her bed, the lord keeper on the left, and Mr Secretary Cecil (afterwards Earl of Salisbury) at the bed's feet, all standing, the lord admiral put her in mind of her speech concerning the succession had at Whitehall, and that they, in the name of all the rest of her council, came unto her to know her pleasure who should succeed; whereunto she thus replied:

'I told you my seat had been the seat of kings, and I will And who should succeed me have no ruscal to succeed me. but a king?

'The lords not understanding this dark speech and looking one on the other; at length Mr Secretary boldly asked her what she meant by those words, that no rascal should succeed her. Whereto she replied, that her meaning was, that a king should succeed: and who, quoth she, should that be but our cousin of Scotland?

They asked her whether that were her absolute resolution? whereto she answered, I pray you trouble me no more: for I will have none but him. With which answer they departed.

Notwithstanding, after again, about four o'clock in the afternoon the next day, being Wednesday, after the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other divines, had been with ber, and left her in a manner speechless, the three lords aforesaid repaired unto her again, asking her if she remained in her former resolution, and who should succeed her? but not being able to speak, was asked by Mr Secretary in this sort, We beseech your majesty, if you remain in your former resolution, and that you would have the king of Scots to succeed you in your kingdom, show some sign unto us: whereat, suddenly heaving herself upwards in her bed, and putting her arms out of bed, she held her hands jointly over her head in manner of a crown; whence, as they guessed, she signified that she did not only wish him the kingdom, but desire continuance of his estate after which they departed, and the next morning she died. Immediately after her death, all the lords, as well of the council as other noblemen that were at the court, came from Richmond to Whitehall by six o'clock in the morning, where other noblemen that were in London met them. Touching the succession, after some speeches of divers competitors and matters of State, at length the admiral rehearsed all the aforesaid premises which the late queen had spoken to him, and to the lord keeper, and Mr Secretary (Cecil,) with the manner thereof; which they being asked, did affirm to be true upon their honour.'

Such is this singular document of secret history. I cannot but value it as authentic, because the one part is evidently alluded to by Camden, and the other is fully confirmed by Cary; and besides this, the remarkable expression of rascal' is found in the letter of the French ambassador. There were two interviews with the queen, and Cary appears only to have noticed the last on Wednesday, when the queen lay speechless. Elizabeth all her life had persevered in an obstinate mysteriousness respecting the succession, and it harassed her latest moments,

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JAMES THE FIRST, AS A FATHER AND A HUSBAND. Calumnies and sarcasms have reduced the character of James the First to contempt among general readers; while the narrative of historians, who have related facts in spite of themselves, is in perpetual contradiction with their own opinions. Perhaps no sovereign has suffered more by that art, which is described by an old Irish proverb, of killing a man by lies.' The surmises and the insinuations of one party, dissatisfied with the established government in church and state; the misconceptions of more modern writers, who have not possessed the requisite knowledge; and the anonymous libels, sent forth at a particular period to vilify the Stuarts; all these cannot be treasured up by the philosopher as the authorities of history. It is at least more honourable to resist popular preJudice than to yield to it a passive obedience; and what we can ascertain, it would be a dereliction of truth to conceal. Much can be substantiated in favour of the domestic affections and habits of this pacific monarch; and those who are more intimately acquainted with the secret history of the times will perceive how erroneously the personal character of this sovereign is exhibited in our popu lar historians, and often even among the few, who with better information, have re-echoed their preconceived opinions.

mark was driven by a storm back to Norway, the king resolved to hasten to her, and consummate his inarriage in Denmark, was itself as romantic an expedition as afterwards was that of his son's into Spain, and betrays no mark of that tame pusillanimity with which he stands over. charged.

The character of the queen of James the First is somewhat obscure in our public history, for in it she makes no prominent figure; while in secret history she is more apparent. Anne of Denmark was a spirited and enterprising woman; and it appears from a passage in Sully, whose authority should weigh with us, although we ought to recollect that it is the French minister who writes, that she seems to have raised a court faction against James, and inclined to favour the Spanish and catholic interests; yet it may be alleged as a strong proof of James's political wisdom, that the queen was never suffered to head a formidable party, though she latterly might have engaged Prince Henry in that court-opposition. The bon-hommie of the king, on this subject expressed with a simplicity of style, which, though it may rot be royal, is something better, appears in a letter to the queen, which has been preserved in the appendix to Sir David Dalrymple's collections. It is without date, but written when in Scotland to quiet the queen's suspicions, that the Earl of Mar, who had the care of Prince Henry, and whom she wished to take out of his hands, had insinuated to the king that her majesty was strongly disposed to any popish or Spanish course.' This letter confirms the representation of Sully but the extract is remarkable for the manly simplicity of style which the king used.

Confining myself here to his domestic character, I shall not touch on the many admirable public projects of this monarch, which have extorted the praise, and even the adinirations of some who have not spared their pens in his disparagement. James the First has been taxed with pusillanimity and foolishness; this monarch cannot, however, be reproached with having engendered them! All his children, in whose education their father was so deeply concerned, sustained through life a dignified character, and a high spirit. The short life of Henry was passed in a school of prowess, and amidst an academy of literature. Of the king's paternal solicitude, even to the hand and the letterwriting of Prince Henry when young, I have preserved a proof in the article of The History of Writing-masters.' Charles the First, in his youth more particularly designed for a studious life, with a serious character, was, however, never deficient in active bravery, and magnanimous fortitude. Of Elizabeth, the Queen of Bohemia, tried as she was by such vicissitudes of fortune, it is much to be regretted that the interesting story remains untold; her buoyant spirits rose always above the perpetual changes, of a princely to a private state-a queen to an exile! The father of such children derives some distinction for capacity, in having reared such a noble offspring; and the king's marked attention to the formation of his children's minds was such as to have been pointed out by Ben Jonson, who, in his Gipsies Metamorphosed,' rightly said of James, using his native term,

'You are an honest, good man, and have care of your Bearns' (bairns.)

Among the flouts and gibes so freely bespattering the personal character of James the First, is one of his coldness and neglect of his queen. It would, however, be dif ficult to prove by any known fact, that James was not as indulgent a husband, as he was a father. Yet even a writer so well informed as Daines Barrington, who, as a lawyer, could not refrain from lauding the royal sage during his visit to Denmark, on his marriage, for having borrowed three statutes from the Danish code, found the king's name so provocative of sarcasm, that he could not forbear observing, that James' spent more time in those courts of judicature than in attending upon his destined consort,' Men of all sorts have taken a pride to gird at me,' might this monarch have exclaimed. But every thing has two handles, saith the ancient adage. Had an austere puritan chosen to observe that James the First, when abroad, had lived jovially; and had this historian then dropped silently the interesting circumstance of the king's spending his time in the Danish courts of judicature,' the fact would have borne him out in his reproof; and Francis Osborne, indeed, has censured James for giving marks of his uroriousness! There was no deficient gallantry in the conduct of James the First to his queen; the very circumstance, that when the Princess of Den

is,

I say over again, leave these froward womanly appre hensions, for I thank God, I carry that love and respect unto you, which, by the law of God and nature, I ought to do to my wife, and mother of my children; but not for that ye are a king's daughter; for whether ye were a king's daughter, or a cook's daughter, ye must be all alike to me, since my wife. For the respect of your honourable birth and descent I married you; but the love and respect I now bear you is because that ye are my married wife, and so partaker of my honour, as of my other fortunes. I beseech you excuse my plainness in this, for casting up of your birth is a needless impertinent argument to me (that not pertinent.) God is my witness, I ever preferred you to (for) my bairns, much more than to a subject.' In an ingenious historical dissertation, but one perfectly theoretical, respecting that mysterious transaction the Gowrie conspiracy, Mr Pinkerton has attempted to show that Anne of Denmark was a lady somewhat incimed to intrigue, and that the king had cause to be jealous.' He confesses that he cannot discover any positive charge of adultery against Anne of Denmark, but merely of coquetry.'* To what these accusations amount it would be dif ficult to sav. The progeny of James the First sufficiently bespeak their family resemblance. If it be true, that the king had ever reason to be jealous,' and yet that no single criminal act of the queen's has been recorded, it must be confessed that one or both of the parties were singularly discreet and decent; for the king never complained, and the queen was never accused, if we except this bur den of an old Scottish ballad,

O the bonny Earl of Murray,

He was the queen's love. Whatever may have happened in Scotland, in England the queen appears to have lived, occupied chiefly by the amusements of the court, and not to have interfered with the arcana of state. She appears to have indulged a passion for the elegancies and splendours of the age, as they were shown in those gorgeous court masques with which the taste of James harmonised, either from his gallantry for the queen, or his own poetic sympathy. But this taste for court masques could not escape the slur and scandal of the puritanic, and these high-flying fancies' are thus recorded by honest Arthur Wilson, whom we summon into court as an indubitable witness of the mutual cordiality of this royal couple. In the spirit of his party, and like Milton, he censures the taste, but likes it. He says, 'The court being a continued maskarade, where she (the queen) and her ladies, like so many sea-nymphs or Nereides, appeared often in various dresses to the ravishment of the

This historical dissertation is appended to the first volume of Mr Malcolm Laing's History of Scotland,' who thinks that it has placed that obscure transaction in its genume light'

beholders; the king himself not being a little delighted with such fluent elegancies as made the night more glorious than the day.' This is a direct proof that James was by no means cold or negligent in his attentions to his queen; and the letter which has been given is the picture of his mind. That James the First was fondly indulgent to his queen, and could perform an act of chivalric gallantry with all the generosity of passion, and the ingenuity of an elegant mind, a pleasing anecdote which I have discovered in an unpublished letter of the day will show. I give it in the words of the writer.

August, 1613.

At their last, being at Theobald's, about a fortnight ago, the queen, shooting at a deer, mistook her mark, and killed Jewel, the king's most principal and special hound; at which he stormed exceedingly awhile; but after he knew who did it, he was soon pacified, and with much kindness wished her not to be troubled with it, for he should love her never the worse: and the next day sent her a diamond worth two thousand pounds, as a legacy from his dead dog. Love and kindness increase daily between them.'

Such is the history of a contemporary living at court, very opposite to that representation of coldness and neglect with which the king's temper has been so freely aspersed; and such too is the true portrait of James the First in domestic life. His first sensations were thoughtless and impetuous; and he would ungracefully thunder out an oath, which a puritan would set down in his tables,' while he omitted to note that this king's forgiveness and forgetfulness of personal injuries was sure to follow the feeling they had excited.

THE MAN OF ONE BOOK.

Mr Maurice, in his animated memoirs, has recently acquainted us with a fact which may be deemed important in the life of a literary man. He tells us, We have been just informed that Sir Wm. Jones invariably read through every year the works of Cicero, whose life indeed was the great exemplar of his own.' The same passion for the works of Cicero has been participated by others. When the best means of forming a good style were inquired of the learned Arnauld, he advised the daily study of Cicero; but it was observed that the object was not to form a Latin, but a French style: In that case,' replied Arnauld, you must still read Cicero.'

A predilection for some great author, among the vast number which must transiently occupy our attention, seems to be the happiest preservative for our taste: accustomed to that excellent author whom we have chosen for our favourite, we may in this intimacy possibly resemble him. It is to be feared, that if we do not form such a permanent attachment, we may be acquiring knowledge, while our enervated taste becomes less and less lively. Taste embalms the knowledge which otherwise cannot preserve itself. He who has long been intimate with one great author, will always be found to be a formidable antagonist; he has saturated his mind with the excellencies of genius; he has shaped his faculues insensibly to himself by his model, and he is like a man who even sleeps in armour, ready at a moment! The old Latin proverb reminds us of this fact, Cave ab homine unius libri: be cautious of the man of one book!

Pliny and Seneca give very safe advice on reading; that we should read much, but not many books-but they had no monthly lists of new publications! Since their days others have favoured us with Methods of Study,' and Catalogues of Books to be read.' Vain attempts to circurascribe that invisible circle of human knowledge which is perpetually enlarging itself! The multiplicity of books is an evil for the many; for we now find an helluo librorum, not only among the learned, but, with their pardon, among the unlearned; for those who, even to the prejudice of their health, persist only in reading the incessant book-novelties of our own time, will after many years acquire a sort of learned ignorance.

We are now in want of an art to teach how books are to be read, rather than not to read them; such an art is practicable. But amidst this vast multitude still let us be the man of one book, and preserve an uninterrupted intercourse with that great author with whose mode of thinking we sympathize, and whose charms of composition we can habitually retain.

It is remarkable that every great writer appears to have a predilection for some favourite author; and with Alexander, had they possessed a golden casket, would have Deenshrined the works they so constantly turned over. mosthenes felt such delight in the history of Thucydides, that to obtain a familiar and perfect mastery of his style, he re-copied his history eight times; while Brutus not only was constantly perusing Polybius even amidst the most busy periods of his life, but was abridging a copy of that author on the last awful night of his existence, when on the following day he was to try his fate against Antony and Octavius. Selim the Second had the Commentaries of Cæsar translated for his use; and it is recorded that his military ardour was heightened by the perusal. We are told that Scipio Africanus was made a hero by the writings of Xenophon. When Clarendon was employed in writ ing his history, he was in a constant study of Livy and Tacitus, to acquire the full and flowing style of the one, and the portrait-painting of the other: he records this circumstance in a letter. Voltaire had usually on his table the Athalie of Racine, and the Petit Careme of Masillon; the tragedies of the one were the finest model of French verse, the sermons of the other of French prose.' Were I obliged to sell my library,' exclaimed Diderot,' 'I would keep back Moses, Homer, and Richardson;' and by the eloge which this enthusiast writer composed on our English novelist, it is doubtful, had the Frenchman been obliged to have lost two of them, whether Richardson had not been the elected favourite. Monsieur Thomas, a French writer, who at times displays high eloquence and profound thinking, Herault de Sechelles tells us, studied chiefly one author, but that author was Cicero; and never went into the country unaccompanied by some of his works. Fenelon was constantly employed on his Homer; he left a transla tion of the greater part of the Odyssey, without any design of publication, but merely as an exercise for style. Montesquieu was a constant student of Tacitus, of whom he must be considered a forcible imitator. He has, in the manner of Tacitus, characterized Tacitus: That historian,' he says, 'who abridged every thing, because he saw every thing.' The famous Bourdaloue re-perused every year Saint Paul, Saint Chrysostom, and Cicero.

These,' says a French critic, were the sources of his masculine and solid eloquence.' Grotius had such a taste for Lucan, that he always carried a pocket edition about him, and has been seen to kiss his hand-book with the rapture of a true votary. If this anecdote be true, the elevated sentiments of the stern Roman were probably the attraction with the Batavian republican. The diversified reading of Leibnitz is well known; but he still attached himself to one or two favourites: Virgil was always in his hand when at leisure, and Leibnitz had read Virgil so often, that even in his old age he could repeat whole books by heart; Barclay's Argenis was his model for prose; when he was found dead in his chair, the Argenis had fallen from his hands. Rabelais and Marot were the perpetual favourites of La Fontaine; from one he borrowed his humour, and from the other his style. Quevedo was so passionately fond of the Don Quixote of Cervantes, that often in reading that unrivalled work he felt an impulse to burn his own inferior compositions: to be a sincere admirer and a hopeless rival is a case of authorship the hardest imaginable. Few writers can venture to anticipate the award of posterity; yet perhaps Quevedo had not even been what he was, without the perpetual excitement he received from his great master. race was the friend of his heart to Malherbe; he laid the Roman poet on his pillow, took him in the fields, and called his Horace his breviary. Plutarch, Montaigne, and Locke, were the three authors constantly in the hands of Rousseau, and he has drawn from them the groundwork of his ideas in his Emilie. The favourite author of the great Earl of Chatham was Barrow; on his style he had formed his eloquence, and had read his great master so constantly, as to be able to repeat his elaborate sermons from memory. The great Lord Burleigh always carried Tully's Offices in his pocket; Charles V. and Buonaparte had Machiavel frequently in their hands; and Davila was the perpetual study of Hampden: he seemed to have discovered in that historian of civil wars those which he anticipated in the land of his fathers.

Ho

These facts sufficiently illustrate the recorded circumstance of Sir William Jones's invariable habit of reading his Cicero through every year, and exemplify the happy

result for him, who, amidst the multiplicity of his authors, still continues in this way to be the man of one book,'

A BIBLIOGNOSTE.

A startling literary prophecy, recently sent forth from our oracular literature, threatens the annihilation of Public Libraries, which are one day to moulder away!

Listen to the vaticinator! "As conservatories of mental treasures, their value in times of darkness and barbarity was incalculable; and even in these happier days, when men are incited to explore new regions of thought, they command respect as depots of methodical and well-ordered references for the researches of the curious. But what in one state of society is invaluable, may at another be worthless; and the progress which the world has made within a very few centuries has considerably reduced the estimation which is due to such establishments. We will say more *-but enough! This idea of striking into dust 'the god of his idolatry,' the Dagon of his devotion, is sufficient to terrify the bibliographer, who views only a blind Samson pulling down the pillars of his temple!

All Europe was to receive from him new ideas concerning books and manuscripts. Yet all his mighty promises fumed away in projects; and though he appeared for ever correcting the blunders of others, this French Ritson left enough of his own to afford them a choice of revenge. His style of criticism was perfectly Ritsonian. He describes one of his rivals, as l'insolent et tres-insensé auteur de l'almanach de Gotha, on the simple subject of the origin of playing cards!

The Abbé Rive was one of those men of letters, of whom there are not a few, who pass all their lives in preparations. Mr Dibdin, since the above was written, has witnessed the confusion of the mind, and the gigantic industry, of our bibliognoste, which consisted of many trunks full of memoranda. The description will show the reader to what hard hunting these book-hunters voluntarily doom themselves, with little hope of obtaining fame! In one trunk were about six thousand notices of MSS of all ages. In another were wedged about twelve thousand descriptions of books in all languages, except those of French and Italian; sometimes with critical notes. In a third trunk was a bundle of papers relating to the History of the Troubadours. In a fourth was a collection of memoranda and literary sketches connected with the invention of arts and sciences, with pieces exclusively bibliographical. A fifth trunk contained between two and three thousand cards, written upon each side, respecting a collection of prints. In a sixth trunk were contamed his papers respecting earthquakes, volcanoes, and geographical subjects.' This Ajar flagellifer of the bibhographical tribe, who was, as Mr Dibdin observes, the terror of his acquaintance, and the pride of his patron,' is said to have been in private a very different man from his public character: all which may be true, without altering a shade of that public character. The French revolution showed how men, mild and even kind in domestic life, were sanguinary and ferocious in their public.

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This future universal inundation of books, this superfluity of knowledge, in billions and trillions, overwhelms the imagination! It is now about four hundred years since the art of multiplying books has been discovered; and an arithmetician has attempted to calculate the incalculable of these four ages of typography, which he discovers have actually produced 3,641,960 works! Taking each work at three volumes, and reckoning only each impression to consist of three hundred copies, which is too little, the actual amount from the presses of Europe will give to 1816-32,776,400 volumes! each of which being an inch thick, if placed on a line, would cover 6069 leagues! Leibnitz facetiously maintained that such would be the increase of literature, that future generations would find whole cities insufficient to contain their libraries. We are, however, indebted to the patriotic endeavours of our grocers and trunkmakers, alchemists of literature! they annihilate the gross bodies without injuring the finer spirits.enlightening his rivals; he exulted that he was devoting to We are still more indebted to that neglected race, the bibliographers!

The science of books, for so bibliography is sometimes dignified, may deserve the gratitude of a public, who are yet insensible of the useful zeal of those book-practitioners, the nature of whose labours is yet so imperfectly comprehended. Who is this vaticinator of the uselessness of public libraries? Is he a bibliognoste, or a bibliographe, or a bibliomane, or a bibliophile, or a bibliotaphe? A bibliothecaire, or a bibliopole, the prophet cannot be; for the bibliothecaire is too delightfully busied among his shelves, and the bibliopole is too profitably concerned in furnishing perpetual additions, to admit of this hyperbolical terror of annihilation!† Unawares, we have dropped into that professional jargon which was chiefly forged by one who, though seated in the

scorner's chair,' was the Thaumaturgus of books

and manuscripts. The Abbé Rive had acquired a singular taste and curiosity, not without a fermenting dash of singular charlatanerie, in bibliography: the little volumes he occasionally put forth are things which but few hands have touched. He knew well, that for some books to be noised about they should not be read: this was one of those recondite mysteries of his, which we may have occasion further to reveal. This bibliographical hero was librarian to the most magnificent of book-collectors, the Duke de la

Valliere. The Abbé Rive was a strong but ungovernable brute, rabid, surly, but tres mordant. His master, whom I have discovered to have been the partner of the cur's tricks, would often pat him: and when the bibliognostes and the bibliomanes were in the heat of contest, let his 'bull-dog' loose among them, as the duke affectionately called his librarian. The 'bull-dog' of bibliography appears, too, to have had the taste and appetite of the tiger of politics, but he hardly lived to join the festival of the guillotine. I judge of this by an expression he used to one complaining of his parish priest, whom he advised to give une messe dans sa ventre" He had tried to exhaust his genius in La Chasse aur Bibliographes et aux Antiquaires mal avisés, and acted Cain with his brothers. Edinburgh Review, vol. xxxiv-384.

Will this writer pardon me for ranking him, for a moment, among those 'generalisers' of the age who excel in what a critical friend has happily discriminated as ambitious writing; that is, writing on any topic, and not least strikingly, on that of which they know least; men otherwise of fine taste, and who excel in every charm of composition.

The rabid Abbé Rive gloried in terrifymg, without

'the rods of criticism and the laughter of Europe the bibliopoles,' or dealers in books, who would not get by heart his Cathechism' of a thousand and one questions and answers: it broke the slumbers of honest De Bure, who had found that life was already too short for his own Bibliographie Instructive.'

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The Abbé Rive had contrived to catch the shades of the appellatives necessary to discriminate book-amateurs; and of the first term he is acknowledged to be the inventor.

A bibliognoste, from the Greek, is one knowing in title pages and colophons, and in editions; the place and year when printed; the presses whence issued; and all the minutiae of a book.

A bibliographe is a describer of books and other literary arrangements.

A bibliomane is an indiscriminate accumulator, who blunders faster than he buys, cock-brained, and purse

heavy!

A bibliophile, the lover of books, is the only one in the class, who appears to read them for his own pleasure. A bibliotaphe buries his books by keeping them under lock, or framing them in glass-cases.

I shall catch our bibliognoste in the hour of book-rapture! It will produce a collection of bibliographical writers, and trivances have been raised by the art of more painful wri show to the second-sighted Edinburgher what human conters than himself-either to postpone the day of universal annihilation, or to preserve for our posterity three centuries hence, the knowledge which now so busily occupies us, and to transmit to them something more than what Bacon calls Inventories' of our literary treasures.

Histories, and literary biblotheques (or bibliothecas,) will always present to us,' says La Rive, an immense harvest of errors, till the authors of such catalogues shall be fully impressed by the importance of their art: and as it were, reading in the most distant ages of the future the literary good and evil which they may produce, foren & triumph from the pure devotion to truth, in spite of all the disgusts which their professional tasks involve; still patiently enduring the heavy chains which bind down those who give themselves up to this pursuit, with a passion which resembles heroism.

The catalogues of bibliotheques fires (or critical, his torical, and classified accounts of writers) have engendered that enormous swarm of bibliographical errors, which bave spread their roots, in greater or less quantities, in all

eur bibliographers. He has here furnished a long list, which I shall preserve in the note.*

The list, though curious, is by no means complete. Such are the men of whom the Abbé Rive speaks with more respect than his accustomed courtesy. If such,' says he, cannot escape from errors, who shall? I have only marked them out to prove the importance of bibliographical history. A writer of this sort must occupy himself with more regard for his reputation than his own profit, and yield himself up entirely to the study of books.'

The mere knowledge of books, which has been called an erudition of title pages, may be sufficient to occupy the life of some; and while the wits and the million are ridiculing these hunters of editions, who force their passage through secluded spots, as well as course in the open Gelds, it will be found that this art of book-knowledge may turn out to be a very philosophical pursuit, and that men of great name have devoted themselves to labours, more frequently contemned than comprehended. Apostolo Zeno, a poct, a critic, and a true man of letters, considered it as no small portion of his glory, to have annotated Fontanini, who, himself an eminent prelate, had passed his life in forming his Bibliotheca Italiana. Zeno did not consider that to correct errors and to enrich by information this catalogue of Italian writers was a mean task. The enthusiasm of the Abbé Rive considered bibliography as a sublime pursuit, exclaiming on Zeno's Commentary on Fontanini- He chained together the knowledge of whole generations for posterity, and he read in future ages.'

There are few things by which we can so well trace the history of the human mind as by a classed catalogue, with dates of the first publication of books; even the relative prices of books at different periods, their decline and then their rise, and again their fall, form a chapter in this history of the human mind; we become critics even by this literary chronology, and this appraisement of auctioneers. The favourite book of every age is a certain picture of the people. The gradual depreciation of a great author marks a change in knowledge or in taste.

But it is imagined that we are not interested in the history of indifferent writers, and scarcely in that of the secondary ones. If none but great originals should claim our attention, in the course of two thousand years we should not count twenty authors! Every book whatever be its character, may be considered as a new experiment made by the human understanding; and as a book is a sort of individual respresentation, not a solitary volume exists but may be personified, and described as a human being.Hints start discovenes: they are usually found in very different authors who could go no further; and the historian of obscure books is often preserving for men of genius indications of knowledge, which without his intervention, we should not possess! Many secrets we discover in bibliography. Great writers, unskilled in this science of books, have frequently used defective editions, as Hume did the castrated Whitelocke; or like Robertson, they are ignorant of even the sources of the knowledge they would give the public; or they compose on a subject which too fate they discover had been anticipated. Bibliography will show what has been done, and suggest to our invention what is wanted. Many have often protracted their journey in a road which had already been worn out by the wheels which had traversed it: bibliography unrolls the whole map of the country we propose travelling over-the post-roads, and the by-paths.

Every half century, indeed, the obstructions multiply: and the Edinburgh prediction, should it approximate to the event it has foreseen, may more reasonably terrify a far distant posterity. Mazzuchelli declared after his laborious researches in Italian literature, that one of his more recent predecessors, who had commenced a similar work, had collected notices of forty thousand writers-and yet, he adds, my work must increase that number to ten thousand more! Mazzuchelli said this in 1753; and the amount of half a century must now be added, for the * Gesner, Simler, Bellarmin, L'Abbe, Mabillon, Montfau. con Moreri, Bayle, Baillet. Niceron, Dupin, Cave, Warton, Casimir Oudin, Le Long, Goujet, Wolfius, John Albert Fa. bricius Argelati, Tiraboschi, Nicholas Antonio, Walchius, Stru Fius, Brucker. Scheuchzer, Linnaus, Seguier, Haller, Adamson. Manget, Kestner, Eloy, Donglas. Weidler, Hailbronner, Montucia, Lalande, Bailly, Quadrio, Morkoff. Stoilius, Func cius, Schelhorn, Engels, Beyer, Gerdesius, Vogts, Frevag, David Clement. Chevillier, Maitaire, Orlandi. Prosper Mar. chand, Schoeplin, De Boze Abbé Sallier, and De Saint Leger.

presses of Italy have not been inactive. But the literature
of Germany, of France, and of England, has exceeded the
multiplicity of the productions of Italy, and an appalling
population of authors swarm before the imagination. Hail
then the peaceful spirit of the literary historian, which sit-
ting amidst the night of time, by the monuments of genius
Hail to
trims the sepulchral lamps of the human mind!
the literary Reaumur, who by the clearness of his glasses
makes even the minute interesting, and reveals to us the
world of insects! These are guardian spirits, who at the
close of every century standing on its ascent, trace out the
old roads we have pursued, and with a lighter line indicate
the new ones which are opening, from the imperfect at-
tempts, and even the errors of our predecessors!

SECRET HISTORY OF AN ELECTIVE MONARCHY.
A Political Sketch.

Poland, once a potent and magnificent kingdom, when it sunk into an elective monarchy, became 'venal thrice an age.' That country must have exhibited many a diplomatic scene of intricate intrigue, which although they could not appear in its public, have no doubt been often consigned to its secret history. With us the corruption of a rotten borough has sometimes exposed the guarded proffer of one party, and the dexterous chaffering of the other; but a master-piece of diplomatic finesse and political invention, electioneering viewed on the most magnificent scale, with a kingdom to be canvassed, and a crown to be won and lost, or lost and won in the course of a single day, exhibits a political drama, which, for the honour and happiness of mankind, is of rare and strange occurrence. There was one scene in this drama, which might appear somewhat too large for an ordinary theatre; the actors apparently were not less than fifty to a hundred thousand twelve vast tents were raised on an extensive plain, a hundred thousand horses were in the environsand palatines and castellans, the ecclesiastical orders, with the ambassadors of the royal competitors, all agitated by the ceaseless motion of different factions during the six weeks of the election, and of many preceding months of preconcerted measures and vacillating opinions, now were all solemnly assembled at the diet.-Once the poet, amidst his gigantic conception of a scene, resolved to leave

it out;

'So vast a thing the stage can ne'er containThen build a new, or act it in a plain!' exclaimed 'La Mancha's knight,' kindling at a scene so

novel and so vast!

Such an electioneering negotiation, the only one I am acquainted with, is opened in the Discours' of Choisnin, dential agent of Catharine de Medicis, and who was sent the secretary of Montluc, bishop of Valence, the confi to intrigue at the Polish diet, to obtain the crown of Poland for her son the Duke of Anjou, afterwards Henry III. This bold enterprise at the first seemed hopeless, and in its progress encountered growing obstructions; but Montluc was one of the most finished diplomatists that the genius of the Gallic cabinet ever sent forth. He was nicknamed in all the courts of Europe, from the circumstance of his limping, le Boiteux ;' our political bishop was in cabinet intrigues the Talleyrand of his age, and sixteen embassies to Italy, Germany, England, Scotland, and Turkey, had made this Connoisseur en hommes' an extraordinary politician!

Catharine de Medicis was infatuated with the dreams of judicial astrology: her pensioned oracles had declared 'hat she should live to see each of her sons crowned, by which prediction probably they had only purposed to flatter her pride and her love of dominion. They, however, ended in terrifying the credulous queen; and she dreading to witness a throne in France, disputed perhaps by fratricides, anxiously sought for a separate crown for each of her three sons. She had been trifled with in her earnest negotiations with our Elizabeth; twice had she seen herself baffled in her views in the Dukes of Alençon and of Anjou. Catharine then projected a new empire for Anjou, by incorporating into one kingdom Algiers, Corsica, and Sardinia; but the other despot, he of Constantinople, Selim II, dissipated the brilliant speculation of our female Machiavel. Charles IX was sickly, jealous and desirous of removing from the court the Duke of Anjou, whom two Victories had made popular, though he afterwards sunk into a Sardanapalus. Montluc penetrated into the secret wishes of Catharine and Charles, and suggested to them the possibility of encircling the brows of Anjou, with the

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