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genius of the man, who being educated amidst naval and Without the aid of a friendly hand, we should probably military enterprises, had surpassed in the pursuits of litera- have been deprived of the delightful history of Artists by ture, even those of the most recluse and sedentary lives; and Vasari: although a mere painter and goldsmith, and not they admired his unbroken magnanimity, which at his age, a literary man, Vasari was blessed with the nice discernand under his circumstances, could engage him to under- ment of one deeply conversant with art, and saw rightly take and execute so great a work, as his History of the what was to be done, when the idea of the work was sugWorld. Now when the truth is known, the wonderful in gested by the celebrated Paulus Jovius as a suppliment to this literary mystery will disappear, except in the eloquent, his own work of the Eulogiums, of illustrious men.' Vathe grand, and the pathetic passages interspersed in that sari approved of the project; but on that occasion judi= venerable volume. We may, indeed, pardon the astonish- ciously observed, not blinded by the celebrity of the literament of our calm philosopher, when we consider the recon- ry man who projected it, that it would requre the assis=dite matter contained in this work, and recollect the little tance of an artist to collect the materals, and arrange them time which this adventurous spirit, whose life was passed in their proper order; for although Jovius displayed great =in fabricating his own fortune, and in perpetual enterprise, knowledge in his observations, yet he had not been equalcould allow to such erudite pursuits. Where could Raw-ly accurate in the arrangement of his facts in his book of leigh obtain that familiar acquaintance with the rabbins, of Eulogiums.' Afterwards, when Vasari began to collect whose language he was probably entirely ignorant? His his information, and consulted Palus Jovius on the plan, numerous publications, the effusions of the most active although that author highly approved of what he saw, he mind, though excellent in their kind, were evidently comalleged his own want of leisure and ability to complete such posed by one who was not abstracted in curious and re- an enterprise; and this was fortunate: we should othermote inquiries, but full of the daily business and the wis- wise have had, instead of the rambling spirit which charms dom of human life, His confinement in the tower, which us in the volumes of Vasari, the verbose babble of a delasted several years, was indeed sufficient for the compoclaimer. Vasari, however, looked round for the assistance sition of this folio volume, and of a second which appears he wanted; a circumstance which Tiraboschi has not noto have occupied him. But in that imprisonment it singuticed; like Hogarth, he required a literary man for his larly happened that he lived among literary characters, scribe. I have discovered the name of the chief writer of with the most intimate friendship. There he joined the the Lives of the Painters, who wrote under the direction of Earl of Northumberland, the patron of the philosophers Vasari, and probably often used his own natural style, and of his age, and with whom Rawleigh pursued his chemiconveyed to us those reflections which surely come from their source. cal studies; and Serjeant Hoskins, a poet and a wit, and I shall give the passage, as a curious inthe poetical father' of Ben Johnson, who acknowledged stance where the secret history of books is often detected in the most obscure corners of research. Who could that it was Hoskins who had polished him;' and that have imagined that in a collection of the lives de' Santi e Rawleigh often consulted Hoskins on his literary works, I learn from a manuscript. But however literary the atBeati dell' ordine de' Predicatori, we are to look for the mosphere of the Tower proved to Rawleigh, no particle writer of Vasari's lives? Don Serafini Razzi, the author of Hebrew, and perhaps little of Grecian lore, floated of this ecclesiastical biography, has this reference: Who from a chemist and a poet. The truth is, that the collec- would see more of this may turn to the lives of the paintion of the materials of this history was the labour of seveters, sculptors and architects, written for the greater part by Don Silvano Razzi, my brother, for the Signor Cavaral persons, who have not all been discovered. It has liere M. Giorgio Vasari, his great friend.'* been ascertained, that Ben Jonson was a considerable contributor; and there was an English philosopher from whom Descartes, it is said, even by his own countrymen, borrowed largelv-Thomas Hariot, whom Anthony Wood

charges with infusing into Rawleigh's volume philosophi cal notions, while Rawleigh was composing his History of the World. But if Rawleigh's pursuits surpassed even those of the most recluse and sedentary lives, as Hume observed, we must attribute this to a Dr Robert Burrel, Rector of Northwald, in the county of Norfolk, who was a great favourite of Sir Walter Rawleigh, and had been his chaplain. All, or the greatest part of the drudgery of Sir Walter's history for Criticisms, Chronology, and reading Greek and Hebrew authors were performed by him, for Sir Walter.'* Thus a simple fact, when discovered, clears up the whole mystery; and we learn how that knowledge was acquired, which as Hume sagaciously detected, required a recluse and sedentary life,' such as the studies and the habits would be of a country clergyman in a learned age.

The secret history of another work, still more celebrated than the History of the World, by Sir Walter Rawleigh, will doubtless surprise its numerous admirers.

*I draw my information from a very singular manuscript in the Lansdowne collection, which I think has been mistaken for a boy's ciphering book, of which it has much the appearance, No. 741. fo. 57, as it stands in the auctioneer's catalogue. It appears to be a collection closely written, extracted out of Anthony Wood's papers; and as I have discovered in the manuscript, numerous notices not elsewhere preserved, I am in. clined to think, that the transcriber copied them from that mass of Anthony Wood's papers, of which more than one sack full was burnt at his desire before him, when dying. If it be so, this MS. is the only register of many curious facts.

Ben Jonson has been too freely censured for his own free censures, and particularly for one he made on Sir Walter Rawleigh, who, he told Drummond, esteemed more fame than conscience. The best wits in England were employed in making his history: Ben himself had written a piece to him of the Punic war, which he altered and set in his book.' Jonson's powerful advocate Mr Gifford has not alleged a word in the defence of our great Bard's free conversational strictures; the secret history of Rawleigh's great work had never been discovered; on this occasion, however, Jonson only spoke what he knew to be true-and there may have been other truths, in those conversations which were set down at random by Drummond, who may have chiefly recollected the satirical Louches.

The discovery that Vasari's volumes were not entirely written by himself, though probably under his dictation, and, unquestionably, with his communications; as we Hogarth, will perhaps serve to clear up some unaccounta know that Dr Morrell wrote the Analysis of Beauty' for ble mistakes or omissions which appear in that series of volumes, written at long intervals, and by different hands. Mr Fuseli has alluded to them in utter astonishment; and cannot account for Vasari's incredible dereliction of reminiscence, which prompted him to transfer what he had rightly ascribed to Giorgione in one edition to the elder Parma in the subsequent ones.' Again: Vasari's memory was either so treacherous, or his rapidity in writing so inconsiderate, that his account of the Capella Sistina, and the stanze of Raffaello, is a mere heap of errors and unpardonable confusion.' Even Bottari, his learned editor, is at a loss to account for his mistakes. Mr Fuseli

finely observes, He has been called the Herodotus of our art; and if the main simplicity of his narrative, and the desire of heaping anecdote on anecdote, entitle him in that the information of every day adds something to the some degree to that appellation, we ought not to forget authenticity of the Greek historian, whilst every day furnishes matter to question the credibility of the Tuscan.' All this strongly confirms the suspicion that Vasari employed different hands at different times to write out his work. Such mistakes would occur to a new writer, not always conversant with the subject he was composing on, and the disjointed materials of which were often found in a disordered state. It is, however, strange that neither Bottari nor Tiraboschi appear to have been aware that Vasari employed others to write for him; we see that from the first suggestion of the work he had originally proposed that Paulus Jovius should hold the pen for him.

The principle illustrated in this article might be pursued; but the secret history of two great works so well known are as sufficient as twenty others of writings less celebrated. The literary phenomenon which had puzzled the calm inquiring Hume to cry out 'a miracle!' has been

I find this quotation in a sort of polemical work of natural philosophy, entitled Saggio di Storia Litteraria Fiorentina del Secolo XVII, da Giovanne Clemente Nelli, Lucca, 1759,' 58. Nelli also refers to what he had said on this subject in his Piante ad alzati di S. M. del Fiore, p. vi. vii;' a work on architecture. See Brunet; and Haym, Bib. Ital. de libri rari.

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solved by the discovery of a little fact on literary unions, which derives importance from this circumstance.

OP A BIOGRAPHY PAINTED.

There are objects connected with literary curiosity, which, though they may never gratify our sight, yet whose very history is literary; and the originality of their invention, should they excite imitation, may serve to constitute a class. I notice a book-curiosity of this nature.

This extraordinary volume may be said to have contained the travels and adventures of Charles Magius, a noble Venetian; and this volume, so precious, consisted only of eighteen pages, composed of a series of highlyfinished miniature paintings on vellum, some executed by the hand of Paul Veronese. Each page, however, may be said to contain many chapters; for, generally, it is composed of a large centre-piece, surrounded by ten small ones, with many apt inscriptions, allegories, and allusions; the whole exhibiting romantic incidents in the life of this Venetian nobleman. But it is not merely as a beautiful production of art that we are to consider it; it becomes associated with a more elevated feeling in the occasion which produced it. The author, who is himself the hero, after having been long calumniated, resolved to set before the eyes of his accusers the sufferings and adventures he could perhaps have but indifferently described: and instead of composing a tedious volume for his justification, invented this new species of pictorial biography. The author minutely described the remarkable situations in which fortune had placed him; and the artists, in eunbellishing the facts he furnished them with to record, emulated each other in giving life to their truth, and putting into action, before the spectator, incidents which the pen had less impressively exhibited. This unique production may be considered as a model, to represent the actions of those who may succeed more fortunately by this new mode of perpetuating their history; discovering, by the aid of the pencil, rather than by their pen, the forms and colours of an extraordinary life.

It was when the Ottomans (about 1571) attacked the Isle of Cyprus, that this Venetian nobleman was charged by his republic to review and repair the fortifications. He was afterwards sent to the Pope to negotiate an alliance: he returned to the senate, to give an account of his commission. Invested with the chief command, at the head of his troops, Magius threw himself into the island of Cyprus, and after a skilful defence, which could not prevent its fall, at Famagusta, he was taken prisoner by the Turks, and made a slave. His age and infirmities induced his master, at length, to sell him to some Christian merchants; and after an absence of several years from his beloved Venice, he suddenly appeared, to the astonishment and mortification of a party who had never ceased to calummate him; whilst his own noble family were compelled to preserve an indignant siience, having had no communications with their lost and enslaved relative. Magius now returned to vindicate his honour, to reinstate himself in the favour of the senate, and to be restored to a venerable parent amidst his family: to whom he introduced a fresh branch, in a youth of seven years old, the child of his misfortunes, who, born in trouble, and a stranger to domestic endearments, was at one moment united to a beloved circle of relations.

I shall give a rapid view of some of the pictures of this Venetian nobleman's life. The whole series has been elaborately drawn up by the Duke de la Valliere, the celehrated book-collector, who dwells on the detail with the curiosity of an amateur.*

In a rich frontispiece, a Christ is expiring on the cross Religion, leaning on a column, contemplates the Divinity, and Hope is not distant from her. The genealogical tree of the house of Magius, with an allegorical representation of Venice, its nobility, power, and riches: the arms of Magius, in which is inserted a view of the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem, of which he was rade a knight; his por trait, with a Latin inscription; 'I have passed through arms and the enemy, amidst fire and water, and the Lord

The duke's description is not to be found, as might be expected, in his own valued catalogue, but was a contribution to Gaignat's II, 16, where it occupies fourteen pages. This sin. cular work sold at Gaignat's sale for 902 livres. It was then the golden age of literary curiosity, when the rarest things were not ruinous; and that price was even then considered extraordinary though the work was an unique. It must consist of about 180 subjects, by Italian artists.

conducted me to a safe asylum, in the year of grace 1571.* The portrait of his son, aged seven years, finished with the greatest beauty, and supposed to have come from the hand of Paul Veronese; it bears this inscription: ' Overcome by violence and artifice, almost dead before his birth, his mother was at length delivered of him, full of life, with all the loveliness of infancy; under the divine protection, his birth was happy, and his life with greater happiness shall be closed with good fortune.'

A plan of the isle of Cyprus, where Magius commanded, and his first misfortune happened, his slavery by the Turks-The painter has expressed this by an emblem of a tree shaken by the winds and scathed by the lightning; but from the trunk issues a beautiful green branch shining in a brilliant sun, with this device- From this fallen trunk springs a branch full of vigour.'

The missions of Magius to raise troops in the province of la Puglia-In one of these Magius is seen returning to Venice; his final departure,-a thunderbolt is viewed falling on his vessel-his passage by Corfu and Zante, and his arrival at Candia.

His travels to Egypt-The centre figure represents this province raising its right hand extended towards a palmtree, and the left leaning on a pyramid, inscribed 'Celebrated throughout the world for her wonders.' The smaller pictures are the entrance of Magius into the port of Alexandria; Rosetta, with a caravan of Turks and different nations; the city of Grand Cairo, exterior and interior, with views of other places; and finally, his return to Ve

nice.

His journey to Rome-the centre figure an armed Pallas seated on trophies, the Tyber beneath her feet, globe in her hands, inscribed Quod rerum victrix ac domina 'Because she is the Conqueress and Mistress of tho World.' The ten small pictures are views of the cities in the Pope's dominion. His first audience at the conclave, forms a pleasing and fine composition.

His travels into Syria-the principal figure is a female emblematical of that fine country; she is seated in the midst of a gay orchard, and embraces a bundle of roses, inscribed Mundi delicia-' The delight of the universe.' The small compartments are views of towns and ports, and the spot where Magius collected his fleet.

His pilgrimage to Jerusalem, where he was made a knight of the holy sepulchre-the principal figure repre sen's Devotion, inscribed Ducit. It is she who conducts me.' The compartments exhibit a variety of objects, with a correctness of drawing, which are described as belonging to the class and partaking of the charms, of the pencil of Claude Lorraine. His vessel is first viewed in the roadstead at Venice beat by a storm; arrives at Zante to refresh; enters the port of Simiso; there having landed, he and his companions are proceeding to the town on asses, for Christians were not permitted to travel in Turkey on horses In the church at Jerusalem the bishop, in his pontifical habit, receives him as a knight of the holy sepul chre, arraying him in the armour of Godfrey of Bouillon, and placing his sword in the hands of Magius. His arrival at Bethlem, to see the cradle of the Lord-and his return by Jaffa with his companions, in the dress of pilgrims; the groups are finely contrasted with the Turks mingling amongst them.

The taking of the city of Famagusta, and his slaveryThe middle figure, with a dog at its feet, represents Fidelity, the character of Magius who ever preferred it to his life or his freedom, inscribed Captivat-She has reduced me to slavery.' Six smaller pictures exhibit the different points of the island of Cyprus, where the Turks effected their descents. Magius retreating to Famagusta, which he long defended, and where his cousin, a skilful engineer, was killed. The Turks compelled to raise the siege, but return with greater forces-the sacking of the town and the palace, where Magius was taken -One picture exhibits him brought before a bashaw, who has him stripped, to judge of his strength and fix his price, when after examination he is sent among other slaves.He is seen bound and tied up among his companions in misfortune-again he is forced to labour, and carries a cask of water on his shoulders-In another picture, his master, finding him weak of body, conducts him to a slave merchant to sell him. In another we see him leading an ass loaded with packages; his new master, finding him loitering on his way, showers his blows on him, while a soldier is seen purloining one of the packages from the

Another exhibits Magius sinking with fatigue on sands, while his master would raise him up by an uning use of the bastinado. The varied detials of these paintings are pleasingly executed.

'he close of his slavery-The middle figure kneeling to aven, and a light breaking from it, inscribed ' He breaks chains,' to express the confidence of Magius. The rks are seen landing with their pillage and their slaves. one of the pictures are seen two ships on fire; a ing lady of Cyprus preferring death to the loss of her our and the miseries of slavery, determined to set fire the vessel in which she was carried; she succeeded, 1 the flames communicated to another.

His return to Venice-The painter for his principal ure has chosen a Pallas, with a helmet on her head, the is on one arm, and her lance in the other, to describe courage with which Magius had supported his misfores, inscribed Reducit- She brings me back.' In the it of the compartments he is seen at the custom-house Venice; he enters the house of his father; the old man stens to meet him, and embraces him. One page is filled by a single picture, which represents e senate of Venice, with the Doge on his throne; Maas presents an account of his different employments, and lds in his hand a scroll, on which is written, Quod comisisti perfeci; quod restat agendum, pure fide complectarhave done what you committed to my care; and I will erform with the same fidelity what remains to be done.' Ee is received by the senate with the most distinguished onours, and is not only justified, but praised and honoured. The most magnificent of these paintings is the one atibuted to Paul Veronese. It is described by the Duke e la Valliere as almost unparalleled for its richness, its legance, and its brilliancy. It is inscribed Pater meus et Patres mei dereliquerunt me; Dominus autem assumpsit My father and my brothers abandoned me; but ne Lord took me under his protection.' This is an alluion to the accusation raised against him in the open onate, when the Turks took the isle of Cyprus, and his amily wanted either the confidence or the courage to de. nd Magius. In the front of this large picture, Magius eading his son by the hand, conducts him to be reconciled with his brothers and sisters-in-law, who are on the opsosite sido; his hand holds this scroll, Vos cogitastis te ne malum; Red Deus convertit illud in bonum-You hought ill of me; but the Lord has turned it to good.' In chis he alludes to the satisfaction, he had given the senate, and to the honours they had decreed him. Another scene introduced, where Magius appears in a magnificent all at table in the midst of all his family, with whom a general reconciliation has taken place: on his left hand are gardens opening with an enchanting effect, and magnificently ornamented, with the villa of his father, on which flowers and wreaths seem dropping on the roof, as if from heaven. In the perspective the landscape probably represents the rural neighbourhood of Magius's early days.

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Amilcar, for instance, was the first author and contriver of the second Punic war, though he died ten years before the commencement of it. A statesman,' says the wise and grave historian, who knows not how to trace the origin of events, and discern the different sources from whence they take their rise, may be compared to a physician, who neglects to inform himself of the causes of those distempers which he is called in to cure. Our pains can never be better employed than in searching out the causes of events; for the most trifling incidents give birth to matters of the greatest moment and importance.' The latter part of this remark of Polybius points out another principle which has been often verified by history, and which furnished the materials of the little book of Grands Evenemens par les petites Causes.'

Our present inquiry concerns 'cause and pretext.'

Leo X projected an alliance of the sovereigns of Christendom against the Turks. The avowed object was to oppose the progress of the Ottomans against the Mamelukes of Egypt, who were more friendly to the Christians; but the concealed motive with his holiness was to enrich himself and his family with the spoils of Christendom, and to aggrandise the papal throne by war; and such indeed, the policy of these pontiffs had always been in those mad crusades which they excited against the East.

The Reformation, excellent as its results have proved in the cause of genuine freedom, originated in no purer source than human passion and selfish motives: it was the progeny of avarice in Germany, of novelty in France, and of love in England. The latter is elegantly alluded to by Gray,

'And gospel-light first beam'd from Bullen's eyes.' The Reformation is considered by the Duke of Nevers in a work printed in 1590, as it had been by Francis I in his apology in 1537, as a coup d'état of Charles V, towards universal monarchy. The duke says, that the Emperor silently permitted Luther to establish his principles in Germany, that they might split the confederacy of the elective princes, and by this division facilitate their more easy conquest, and play them off one against another, and by these means to secure the imperial crown, hereditary in the house of Austria. Had Charles V not been the mere creature of his politics, and had he felt any zeal for the Catholic cause, which he pretended to fight for, never would he have allowed the new doctrines to spread for more than twenty years without the least opposition.

The famous league in France was raised for 'religion and the relief of public grievances; such was the pretext! After the princes and the people had alike become its victims, this 'league' was discovered to have been formed by the pride and the ambition of the Guises, aided by the machinations of the Jesuits against the attempts of the Prince of Condé to dislodge them from their seat of power.' While the Huguenots pillaged, burnt, and massacred, declaring in their manifestoes, that they were only fighting to release the king, whom they asserted was a príSuch are the most interesting incidents which I have soner of the Guises; the catholics repaid them with the selected from the copious description of the Duke de la same persecution and the same manifestoes, declaring that Valliere. The idea is new of this production, an auto- they only wished to liberate the Prince of Condé, who was biography in a series of remarkable scenes, painted under the prisoner of the Huguenots. The people were led on the eye of the describer of them, in which too he has pre- by the cry of religion but this civil war was not in reserved all the fulness of his feelings and his minutest re-ality so much Catholic against Huguenot, as Guise against collections; but the novelty becomes interesting from the character of the noble Magius, and the romantic fancy which inspired this elaborate and costly curiosity. It was not indeed without some trouble that I have drawn up this little account; but while thus employed, I seemed to be composing a very uncommon romance.

CAUSE AND PRETEXT.

It is an important principle in morals and in politics, not to mistake the cause for the pretext, nor the pretext for the cause, and by this means to distinguish between the concealed and the ostensible, motive. On this principle history might be recomposed in a new manner; it would not often describe circumstances and characters as they usually appear. When we mistake the characters of men, we mistake the nature of their actions, and we shall find in the study of secret history, that some of the most important events in modern history were produced from very different motives than their ostensible ones. Polybius, the most philosophical writer of the ancients, has marked out this useful distinction of cause and pretert, and aptly illustrates the observation by the facts which he explains.

Condé. A parallel event occurred between our Charles I and the Scotch Covenanters; and the king expressly declared, in a large declaration, concerning the late tumults in Scotland,' that religion is only pretended, and used by them as a cloak to palliate their intended rebellion,' which he demonstrated by the facts he alleged. There was a revolutionary party in France, which, taking the name of Frondeurs, shook that kingdom under the administration of Cardinal Mazarine, and held out for their pretext the public freedom. But that faction, composed of some of the discontented French princes and the mob, was entirely organized by Cardinal De Retz, who held them in hand, to check or to spur them as the occasion required, from a mere personal pique against Mazarine, who had not treated that vivacious genius with all the deference he exacted. This appears from his own memoirs.

We have smiled at James I threatening the statesgeneral by the English ambassador, about Vorstius, a Dutch professor, who had espoused the doctrines of Arminius against those of the contra-remonstrants, or Calvinists; the ostensible subject was religious, or rather metaphysical-religious doctrines, but the concealed one was a

struggle for predominance between the Pensionary Barnevelt, assisted by the French interest, and the Prince of Orange, supported by the English. These were the real sources,' says Lord Hardwicke, a statesman and a man of letters, deeply conversant with secret and public history, and a far more able judge than Diodati the Swiss Divine, and Brandt the ecclesiastical historian, who in the synod of Dort could see nothing but what appeared in it; and gravely narrate the ille squabbles on phrases concerning predestination or grace. Hales, of Eaton, who was secretary to the English ambassador at this synod, perfectly accords with the account of Lord Hardwicke. Our synod,' writes that judicious observer,' goes on like a watch; the main wheels upon which the whole business turns are least in sight; for all things of moment are acted in private sessions; what is done in public is only for show and entertainment.'

The cause of the persecution of the Jansenists was the jealousy of the Jesuits; the pretext was la grace suffisante. The learned La Croze observes, that the same circumstance occurred in the affair of Nestorius and the church of Alexandria; the pretext was orthodoxy, the cause was the jealousy of the church of Alexandria; or rather the fiery and turbulent Cyril, who personally hated Nestorius. The opinions of Nestorius, and the council which condemned them, were the same in effect. I only produce this remote fact to prove that ancient times do not alter the the truth of our principle.

When James II was so strenuous an advocate for toleration and liberty of conscience in removing the test act, this enlightened principle of government was only a pretext with that monk-ridden monarch; it is well known that the cause was to introduce and make the catholics predominant in his councils and government. The result, which that enger and blind politician hurried on too fast, and which therefore did not take place, would have been, that liberty of conscience' would soon have become an overt act of treason,' before an inquisition of his Jesuits!

In all political affairs drop the pretexts and strike at the causes; we may thus understand what the heads of parties may choose to conceal.

POLITICAL FORGERIES AND FICTIONS,

A writer whose learning gives value to his eloquence, in his Bampton Lectures has censured, with that liberal spirit so friendly to the cause of truth, the calumnies and rumours of parties, which are still industriously retailed, though they have been often confuted. Forged documents are still referred to, or tales unsupported by evidence are confidently quoted. Mr Heber's subject confined his inquiries to theological history; he has told us that Augustine is not ashamed, in his dispute with Faustus, to take advantage of the popular slanders against the followers of Manes, though his own experience, for he had himself been of that sect, was sufficient to detect this falsehood.' The Romanists, in spite of satisfactory answers, have continued to urge against the English protestant the romance of Parker's consecration; while the protestant persists in falsely imputing to the cathole public formularies, the systematic omission of the second commandment. The calumnies of Rimius and Sunstra against the Moravian brethren are cases in point,' continues Mr Heber. 'No one now believes them, yet they once could deceive even Warburton!!

We may

also add the obsolete calumny of Jews crucifying boys-of which a monument raised to Hugh of Lincoln perpetuates the memory, and which a modern historian records without any scruple of doubt; several authorities, which are cited on this occasion, amount only to the single one of Matthew Paris, who gives it as a popular rumour. Such accusations usually happened when the Jews were too rich and the king was too poor!

The falsehoods and forgeries raised by parties are overwhelming! It startles a philosopher, in the calm of his study, when he discovers how writers, who, we may presume, are searchers after truth, should, in fact, turn out to be searchers after the grossest fictions. This alters the habits of the literary man: it is an unnatural depravity of pursuits-and it proves that the personal is too apt to predominate over the literary character.

his

I have already touched on the main point of the present article in the one on Political Nick-names.' I have there shown how political calumny appears to have been reduced into an art; one of its branches would e

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When one nation is at war with another, there is no doubt that the two governments connive al, and often encourage the most atrocious abeis on each other, to madden the people to preserve their independence, and contribute cheerfully to the expenses of the war. France and England formerly complained of Holland-the Athe nians employed the same policy against the Macedonians and Persians. Such is the origin of a vast number of sup posititious papers and volumes, which sometimes, at a re mote date, confound the labours of the honest historian, and too often serve the purposes of the dishonest, with whom they become authorities. The crude and suspi

cious libels which were drawn out of their obscurity in
Cromwell's time against James the First nave over-loaded
the character of that monarch, yet are now eagerly referred
to by party writers, though in their own days they were
obsolete and doubtful. During the civil wars of Charles
the First, such spurious documents exist in the forms of
speeches which were never spoken; of letters never wr
ten by the names subscribed; printed declarations never
declared; battles never fought, and victories never obtain-
ed! Such is the language of Rushworth, who complams
of this evil spirit of party-forgeries, while he is himself sus-
pected of having rescinded or suppressed whatever was
not agreeable to his patron Cromwell. A curious, and,
perhaps, a necessary list might be drawn up of poinical
forgeries of our own, which have been sometimes referred
to as genuine, but which are the inventions of wits and sa-
tirists!
Bayle ingeniously observes, that at the close of
every century such productions should be branded by a
skilful discriminator, to save the future inquirer from er
rors he can hardly avoid. 'How many are still kept in
error by the satires of the sixteenth century! Those
of the present age will be no less active in future. ages, for
they will still be preserved in public libraries.'

The art and skill with which some have fabricated a forged narrative, render its detection almost hopeless. When young Maitland, the brother to the secretary, in or der to palliate the crime of the assassination of the Regent Murray, was employed to draw up a pretended conference between him, Knox, and others, to stigmatize them by the odium of advising to dethrone the young monarch, and to substitute the regent for their sovereign, Maitland produced so dramatic a performance, by giving to each per son his peculiar mode of expression, that this circumstance long baffled the incredulity of those who could not in consequence deny the truth of a narrative apparently so correct in its particulars! The fiction of the warmingpan, enclosing the young Pretender, brought more adherents to the cause of the Whigs than the Bill of Rights," observes Lord John Russell.

Among such party narratives, the horrid tale of the bloody Colonel Kirk, has been worked up by Hume with all his eloquence and pathos; and, from its interest no sus picion has arisen of its truth. Yet, so far as it concerns Kirk, or the reign of James the Second, or even English history, it is, as Ritson too honestly expresses it, an im pudent and a barefaced lie! The simple fact is told by Kennet in a few words: he probably was aware of the nature of this political fiction. Hume was not, indeed, himself the fabricator of the tale; but he had not any histor cal authortly. The origin of this fable was probably a pious fraud of the Whig party, to whom Kirk had rendered himself odious; at that moment stories still more terrifying were greedily swallowed, and which, Kitson insinuates, have become a part of the history of England. The original story, related more circumstantially, though not more affectingly, nor perhaps more truly, may be found m Wanley's Wonders of the Little World, which I give, relieving it from the tediousness of old Wanley.

A governor of Zealand, under the bold Duke of Burgundy, had in vain sought to seduce the affections of the beautiful wife of a citizen. The governor imprisons the husband on an accusation of treason; and when the wife appeared as the suppliant, the governor, after on brief eloquence, succeeded as a lover, on the plea that her husband's life could only be spared by her compli The woman, in tears and in aversion, and not without a hope of vengeance only delayed, lost her hotour! Pointing to the prison, the governor told her If you seek your husband, enter there, and take him along with Book III, ch. 2, sec. 18

ance.

ou! The wife, in the bitterness of her thoughts, yet ot without the consolation that she had snatched her usband from the grave, passed into the prison; there in cell, to her astonishment and horror, she beheld the orpse of her husband laid out in a coffin, ready for burial! Mourning over it, she at length returned to the governor, iercely exclaiming, 'You have kept your word! you have estored to me my husband! and be assured the favour hall be repaid!" The inhuman villain, terrified in the presence of his intrepid victim, attempted to appease her vengeance, and more, to win her to his wishes. Returning home, she assembled her friends, revealed her whole story, and under their protection, she appealed to Charles the Bold, a strict lover of justice, and who now awarded a singular but an exemplary catastrophe. The duke first commanded that the criminal governor should instantly marry the woman whom he had made a widow, and at the same time sign his will, with a clause importing, that should be die before his lady he constituted her his heiress. All this was concealed from both sides, rather to satisfy the duke than the parties themselves. This done, the unhappy woman was dismissed alone! The governor was conducted to the prison to suffer the same death he had inflicted on the husband of his wife; and when this lady was desired once more to enter the prison, she beheld her second husband headless in his coffin as she had her first! Such extraordinary incidents in so short a period overpowered the feeble frame of the sufferer; she died-leaving a son, who inherited the rich accession of fortune so fatally obtained by his injured and suffering mother.

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Such is the tale of which the party story of Kirk appeared to Ritson to have been a refaccimento; but it is rather the foundation than the superstructure. This critic was right in the main, but not by the by; in the general, not in the particular. It was not necessary to point out the present source, when so many others of a parallel nature exist. This tale, universally told, Mr Douce considers as the origin of Measure for Measure,' and was probably some traditional event; for it appears sometimes with a change of names and places, without any of incident. It always turns on a soldier, a brother, or a husband executed; and a wife, or sister, a deceived victim, to save them from death. It was, therefore, easily transferred to Kirk, and Pomfret's poem of Cruelty and Lust' long made the story popular. It could only have been in this form that it reached the historian, who, it must be observed, introduces it as a story commonly told of him;' but popular tragic romances should not enter into the dusty documents of a history of England, and much less be ticularly specified in the index! Belleforest, in his old version of the tale, has given the circumstance of the Captain, who having seduced the wife under the promise to save her husband's life, exhibited him soon afterwards through the window of her apartment suspended on a gibbet.' This forms the horrid incident in the history of the bloody Colonel,' and served the purpose of a party, who wished to bury him in odium. Kirk was a soldier of fortune, and a loose liver, and a great blusterer, who would sometimes threaten to decimate his own regiment: but is said to have forgotten the menace the next day. Hateful as such military men will always be, in the present instance Colonel Kirk has been shamefully calumniated by poets and historians, who suffer themselves to be duped by the forgeries of political parties!

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While we are detecting a source of error into which the party feelings of modern historians may lead them, let us confess that they are far more valuable than the ancient ; for to us, at least, the ancients have written history without producing authorities! Modern historians must furnish their readers with the truest means to become their critics, by providing them with their authorities; and it is only by judiciously appreciating these that we may confidently accept their discoveries. Unquestionably the ancients have often introduced into their histories many tales similar to the story of Kirk-popular or party forgeries! The mellifluous copiousness of Livy conceals many a tale of wonder; the graver of Tacitus erches many a fatal stroke; and the secret history of Suetonius too oftenraises a suspicion of those whispers, Quid rex in aurem regina dixerit, quid Juno fabulata sit cum Jove. It is certain that Plutarch has often told, and varied too in the teling, the same story, which he has applied to different persons. A critic in the Ritsonian style has said of the

grave Plutarch, Mendar ille Plutarchus qui vitas oratorum, dolis et erroribus consutas, olim conscribillavit.* 'That lying Plutarch, who formerly scribbled the lives of the orators, made up of falsities and blunders! There is in Italian a scarce book, of a better design than execution, of the Abbate Lancellotti, Farfalloni degli antichi historici.-Flim-flams of the ancients.' Modern historians have to dispute their passage to immortality step by step; and however fervid be their eloquence, their real test as to value, must be brought to the humble references in their margin. Yet these must not terminate our inquiries; for in tracing a story to its original source, we shall find that fictions have been sometimes grafted on truths or hearsays, and to separate them as they appeared in their first stage, is the pride and glory of learned criticism.

EXPRESSION OF SUPPRESSED OFINION.

A people denied the freedom of speech or of writing, have usually left some memorials of their feelings in that silent language which addresses itself to the eye. Many ingenious inventions have been contrived, to give vent to their suppressed indignation. The voluminous grievance which they could not trust to the voice or the pen, they have carved in wood, or sculptured on stone; and have sometimes even facetiously concealed their satire among the playful ornaments, designed to amuse those of whom they so fruitlessly complained! Such monuments of the suppressed feelings of the multitude are not often inspected by the historian-their minuteness escapes all eyes but those of the philosophical antiquary; nor are these satirical appearances always considered as grave authorities, which unquestionably they will be found to be by a close observer of human nature. An entertaining history of the modes of thinking, or the discontents of a people, drawn from such dispersed efforts in every era, would cast a new light of secret history over many dark intervals.

Did we possess a secret history of the Saturnalia, it would doubtless have afforded some materials for the present article. In those revels of venerable radicalism, when the senate was closed, and the Pileus, or cap of liberty, was triumphantly worn, all things assumed an appearance contrary to what they were; and human nature, as well as human laws, might be said to have been parodied. Among so many whimsical regulations in favour of the licentious rabble, there was one which forbad the circulation of money; if any one offered the coin of the state, it was to be condemned as an act of madness, and the man was brought to his senses by a penitential fast for that day. An ingenious French antiquary seems to have discovered a class of wretched medals, cast in lead or copper, which formed the circulating medium of these mob Lords, who, to ridicule the idea of money, used the basest metals, stamping them with grotesque figures or odd devices,-such as a sow; a chimerical bird; an imperator in his car, with a monkey behind him; or an old woman's head, Accu Laurentia, either the traditional old nurse of Romulus, or an old courtesan of the same name, who bequeathed the fruits of her labours to the Roman people! As all things were done in mockery, this base metal is stamped with s. c., to ridicule the senatus consulto, which our antiquary happily explains, in the true spirit of this government of mockery, Saturnalium consulto, agreeing with the legend of the reverse, inscribed in the midst of four tali, or bones, which they used as dice, Qui ludit arram det, quod satis sit-'Let them who play give a pledge, which will be sufficient.' This mock money served not only as an expression of the native irony of the radical gentry of Rome during their festival, but had they spoken their mind out, meant a ridicule of money itself; for these citizens of equality have always imagined that society might proceed without this contrivance of a medium which served to represent property, in which they themselves must so little participate. A period so glorious for exhibiting the suppressed senTaylor, Annot. ad Lysiam

Baudelot de Dairval de 1 Utilité des Voyages, II, 645. There is a work, by Ficoroni on these lead coins or Tickets. They are found in the cabinets of the curious me lallist. Pinkerton, referring to this entertaining work, regrets that Such curious remains have almost escaped the notice of medallists, and have not yet been ranged in one class, or named. A special work on them would be highly accepta. ble.' The time has perhaps arrived when antiquaries may begin to be philosophers, and philosophers antiquaries! The unhappy separation of erudition from philosophy, and of phi losophy from erudition, has hitherto thrown impediments in the progress of the human mind, and the history of man.

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