knew that, by the rules of war, when a fortress, insufficient to defend itself, was summoned to surrender and refused and caused the effusion of human blood, the vanquished, when it was taken, were devoted to execution." General Houston replied that "he knew such to have been the rule at one period, but he thought it now obsolete and a disgrace to the nineteenth century. But," continued Houston, "General Santa Anna, you cannot urge the same excuse for the massacre at Goliad: they capitulated, were betrayed and massacred in cold blood!" Santa Anna replied:

"If they ever had capitulated he was not aware of it. Urrea had deceived him and informed him that they were vanquished; and he had orders from his government to execute all that were taken with arms in their hands." Houston rejoined: "General Santa Anna, you are the government—a dictator has no superior.”— "But," answered Santa Anna, "I have the order of our Congress to treat all that were found with arms in their hands, resisting the authority of the government, as pirates. And Urrea has deceived me. He had no authority to enter into any agreement, and if I ever live to regain power he shall be punished for it."

After a pause, Houston asked him if he did not desire some refreshment, as he supposed he was exhausted. He said he did. He then asked if he desired to have his tents, baggage, staff, servants, etc. He replied that he would gladly have them. Colonel Almonté was thereupon directed to select them; and the prisoner's quarters were established near Houston's favorite tree, where he had his headquarters.

General Houston, previous to Santa Anna's retirement from the audience, stated to him that he must forthwith write an order to his second in command to evacuate Texas, and fall back to Monterey. . . . Santa Anna, at the same time, addressed another despatch to General Filisola, charging him to instruct the commandants of the several Mexican divisions not to permit any injury to be done to the inhabitants of the county; also, at the same time, a third note, directing Filisola to order the military. commandant at Goliad to set all the prisoners, taken at Copano, at liberty, and send them forthwith to San Felipe de Austin. These orders were despatched by Deaf Smith. The troops under Filisola had been encamped on the eastern bank of the Brazos. They could not be made to believe the report of the first fugitives from the battlefield of the San Jacinto; but when, an hour afterward, a second one came in, orders to retreat were given and they recrossed the river.

The 22d day of April was the first free day in Texas. Before then, her people had declared their independence, but now they had won it in a noble contest. The victory was physically and morally complete. The blow was given at the proper time, and in a vital part. In looking back at the events of the campaign, we can see no time when it could have succeeded so well. Providence seemed in every way to favor the result. It was a full retribution for past outrages. Santa Anna had presided over a feast of blood at the Alamo; he had ordered a second at Goliad ; and he was made to behold another at San Jacinto. The Texans had their revenge. At that time, a thousand troops were on the way to reinforce their army; but it was so ordered that they should do the work themselves.-H. YOAKUM.

F all the Presidents of the United States Martin Van Buren has the reputation of being the most adroit politician. From the adoption of the Federal Constitution the politics of New York were complicated. Those who aspired to leadership were obliged to be wary in the expression of views and shrewd in the manipulation of men. Aaron Burr had set the example of winning victory by skillful organization, and his successors carried still further his political methods. The Albany Regency extended to the State the systematic organization which had been commenced in New York city. Van Buren was the ruling spirit of this junta, which included also the able leaders, Silas Wright and W. L. Marcy. Yet Van Buren had certain fixed principles to which he adhered unflinchingly throughout his career, though swayed at times by popular demands in minor matters. In recent years his character has come to be better understood and more highly respected.

Martin Van Buren was born at Kinderhook, Columbia county, New York, on the 5th of December, 1782. He was of Dutch descent, and his father was a thrifty farmer. Martin was educated in the schools of his native village, and early began to study law. Before he was admitted to the bar in 1803, he had begun to take part in politics. He was a zealous adherent of Jefferson. His peculiar power of winning personal trust assisted his rise in his profession as well as in politics. In 1808 he became surrogate of Columbia county, and in 1812 was elected to the State Senate. While still holding his seat in this body he was made, in 1815, Attorney General of the State, and in the next year removed his residence to Albany

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His influence was directed against De Witt Clinton and in favor of General Jackson as the rising hope of the Democratic party. In the general dissolution of the old parties he led the way to the election of Rufus King, a former Federalist, to the U. S. Senate in 1819. Two years later Van Buren was himself elected to the same body, and was also chosen a member of the Convention to revise the State Constitution. That he was not then an extreme Democrat is shown by his seeking to limit the elective franchise to householders, and opposing an elective judiciary and the choice of minor offices by the people. He was, in fact, an upholder of the farming interest against the encroachments of the money power and "the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth."

In the United States Senate Van Buren voted for the protective tariffs of 1824 and 1828, but did not otherwise declare his economic views. After voting for a few internal improvements, he opposed others as unconstitutional, though he suggested a constitutional amendment to bring them within the power of Congress. In 1828 he was elected governor of New York, but in the next year he was called to be Secretary of State in President Jackson's cabinet. Van Buren had, in fact, brought about Jackson's nomination by uniting in his favor all the Senators opposed to President J. Q. Adams. Henceforth he was Jackson's chief political adviser. During the ladies' quarrel which had much effect on the composition of Jackson's cabinet, the widower Van Buren gallantly and adroitly supported the cause of Mrs. Eaton, whom the President considered unjustly treated by Washington society. In 1831 Van Buren, who was already scheming for the Presidential nomination, resigned his secretaryship and was sent as minister to England, where he was received with much attention. But in the next session of Congress the Senate, by the casting vote of Vice-President Calhoun, refused to confirm the nomination. This was Calhoun's revenge for Van Buren's intrigues against himself and his nullification policy. But the President the more warmly supported his friend, and Van Buren's popularity with the Jacksonian Democrats was increased. The interests of the party required that Jackson should be nominated again, and Van Buren, who had hoped

for the first place, was obliged to be content with the second. He was elected Vice-President in 1832, and thus came to preside over the body which had so recently rejected him. While he occupied the chair he was obliged to listen to many tirades against the President's political course and its disastrous effects on the country. Van Buren showed no disquiet, but endeavored to conciliate his political opponents. "The Little Magician," as he was called, was the heir of Jackson's popularity, and was duly nominated and elected to the Presidency in 1836. He had a majority of 57 in the electoral college and of 25,000 in the popular vote.

During President Jackson's administration there had been, in the main, financial prosperity. The national debt had been entirely paid, and in 1836 there was a surplus in the Treasury, which Congress ordered to be distributed among the several States. Jackson's opposition to the Bank of the United States is well known. Before its charter expired in 1836, many new State banks were started, and "pet banks," with little regard for their ability, were favored with government deposits. An enormous amount of notes was issued, and speculation was greatly stimulated. In May, 1837, when Van Buren had been only two months in the White House, the reaction took place. The banks suspended specie payments, and the government could not recover its deposits. Congress was summoned in special session in September. The President explained the situation and advised the establishment of an independent treasury, with sub-treasuries in different cities, for keeping and disbursing public moneys. Congress was reluctant to accept this remedy, which might free the government from embarrassment, but would give no immediate relief to the suffering people. Not until 1840 did Congress authorize the Independent Treasury. The act was repealed in 1842, but again enacted in 1846. Since that time the Independent Treasury has remained part of the fiscal system of the United States. It is Van Buren's legacy to his country.

Van Buren was again nominated for the Presidency in 1840, but the distress of the people had weakened the influence of his party, and he was defeated by General W. H. Har