INCE the time of Daniel O'Connell, Charles S. Parnell, a man of entirely different character and methods, has been the greatest leader of the Irish people in their struggle for political rights. Though born in Ireland, he was of English Protestant descent, the family belonging originally to Cheshire. He had none of the usual winning gifts or traits of Irish leaders, but was cold-blooded in speech and action, yet effected more for his country than warmhearted, impulsive, eloquent speakers had been able to achieve. The great English Liberal was compelled to adopt the cause of Home Rule, and in spite of the tremendous obstacles in his way, a still greater victory seemed not unlikely to be won when the exposure of scandalous immorality brought shame and ruin upon himself and his cause.

Charles Stewart Parnell was born at Avondale, County Wicklow, Ireland, in June, 1846. His paternal grandfather, Sir Henry Parnell, was a member of Parliament, and in 1841 was raised to the peerage as Lord Congleton. His maternal grandfather was Rear-Admiral Charles Stewart (1778-1869), of the United States navy, who commanded the frigate "Constitution" in the war of 1812, and, like her, won the sobriquet of "Old Ironsides." His young namesake was educated in English schools and at Cambridge University, but did not complete a college course. He cared little for literature or art, but took interest in chemistry and applied science. After traveling through the United States he settled on his estate in Ireland, and in 1874 was made sheriff of the county. In the next year he was elected to Parliament from Meath as a Home Ruler. Isaac Butt was then the leader of that party,

which had started in 1870. Before Butt's death Biggar had begun the policy of obstruction which Parnell was afterwards to wield with tremendous effect. If the House of Commons would give no attention to Irish bills, then English bills should not be allowed to get through. All Parliamentary work must be stopped until the Irish grievances were redressed. By persistent speaking on every subject that afforded an opportunity the Irish members wore out the patience of the English. Parnell was cool, calm, business-like, always kept to the point, and rarely was aggressive. He knew just how far to go without exciting a row. The Home Rule party then sought for a reform in the Irish land laws which was summed up in the three F's-Fixity of Tenure, Fair Rent, and Free Sale. In 1879 the potato crop in Ireland failed for the third time in three years. Evictions of tenants from their little holdings followed in great numbers. Parnell, now recognized as the leader of the Irish party, was induced by Michael Davitt to approve the National Land League, which aimed at peasant proprietorship. In October, 1879, Parnell was made president of the League, which soon shook society to its foundations. In 1880 the Liberal party, headed by Gladstone, had achieved a great victory at the polls. In the new Parliament, Parnell, with his thirty-four Irish members, continued the policy of obstruction. W. E. Forster, Secretary for Ireland, highly renowned as a humane Liberal, was so irritated by the warfare of the League that he introduced coercion bills. Parnell cried to the Irish: "Hold a firm grip on your homesteads." "Ireland cannot afford to lose a single man." Gladstone found that something must be done to conciliate the discontented people, and brought in a Land Bill, far surpassing the dreams of previous agitators. Parnell resolved to maintain the organization until it was proved that the courts would execute the new act in an equitable manner. Forster determined to crush all opposition. He suspended the Habeas Corpus, and called for the disarming of the Irish people. From one of his imprudent remarks he received the sobriquet of "Buckshot Forster." A thousand prominent Leaguers were already in prison when, in October, 1881, he arrested Parnell and his lieutenants and committed them to Kilmainham Jail, Dublin.

The whole League was outlawed. But it still had power, and it forbade the people to pay rent. A fierce struggle ensued. The Pope condemned the Land League, but the people stood fast by Parnell, and again Gladstone gave way. Forster was dismissed. Parnell was released on parole in April, 1882, and unconditionally in May. His return to Parliament was a notable triumph, and the Irish party seemed likely to secure new reforms. The world was startled to learn that the new Secretary of Ireland, Lord Frederick Cavendish, and his assistant, Edmund Burke, had been assassinated in Phoenix Park, Dublin. At once a Crimes Act was passed, and the dream of Home Rule was dashed to the ground. Cloture acts had increased the power of the Speaker over debate and baffled obstruction.

While Parnell was in jail the people had contributed £40,000 to clear his estate from mortgage, and render his mind easy as to money affairs. Through all his career he was aiming at the legislative independence of Ireland-the repeal of the Union-for which O'Connell had given the later years of his life. The number of voters in Ireland was increased from 250,000 to 750,000, and a larger proportion of Home Rulers was returned to Parliament. In 1885 Parnell had 84 out of 103 Irish members. By helping the Conservatives he could neutralize the Liberal majority, and this he was ready to do. In June, 1885, the Liberals were defeated, and in the following election the Tories were aided by Irish votes. But when they refused to grant the demands of the Home Rulers the latter helped to reinstate Gladstone in January, 1886. That statesman introduced the Home Rule bili, but it caused a division in his own party. He was defeated and the Conservatives returned to power, apparently stronger than before. The fight for the land in Ireland waxed fiercer. A new device called "The Plan of Campaign" was carried out. In England the Gladstonian Liberals were enthusiastic for Home Rule, and many British members visited Ireland to testify their sympathy. Then came a remarkable episode, when the London Times published a series of articles on "Parnellism and Crime." Their object was to prove that Parnell, while claiming to be using only constitutional methods for

attainment of his aims, was inciting the Irish people to crime. The chief reliance was placed on letters published in facsimile. Parnell denounced them as forgeries, and prosecuted the Times. After considerable litigation, it was fully established that the letters had been forged by one Pigott, a hanger-on of the Irish party, and sold to the Times. Pigott fled from England and committed suicide in Spain. The Times paid the damages adjudged against it. Parnell's ascendancy seemed more firmly established than ever. He had put down all rivalries, reconciled all factions, and united the Irish race over all the world in the effort for the legislative independence of Ireland. Then came a terrible catastrophe. Captain O'Shea,

an Irish member of Parliament, had in 1880 introduced Parnell to his wife. The two fell in love, and for some years, without the husband's knowledge, were in the most intimate relations. In 1889 Captain O'Shea sued for divorce. Davitt and other supporters of Home Rule were induced to believe Parnell was innocent until he allowed the case to go by default. The divorce was granted in November, 1890. It appeared that Parnell had carried on the intrigue by renting houses under feigned names, and used other duplicity. After the divorce Parnell married Mrs. O'Shea. The final exposure bewildered and divided the Home Rulers. Offences against chastity are most repellent to the Irish people. Yet their attachment to political leaders is deep-seated. To abandon Parnell appeared like giving up Home Rule, then felt to be almost within their grasp. Parnell considered that his private wrong-doing should have no effect on his public standing. He was re-elected to the Parliament which met a week after the divorce. Gladstone and many Irishmen hoped that he would retire, and endeavored to persuade him to do so, but in vain. He insisted on retaining his leadership, and exerted himself to the utmost in fighting his foes, old and new. The authorities of the Catholic church, deeply offended at his criminal conduct, drew off most of his followers. There was no longer unity of purpose among the Irish members, and they spent their strength in fighting each other, to the intense delight of the Unionists. Parnell, who after his imprisonment had seemed to have lost his earnestness, now made frantic efforts

to regain his power. But he only wore himself out. The end came suddenly when he died on October 6, 1891, aged fifty-five. Strange to say, the quarrel caused by his immorality became more bitter after his decease. The English supporters of Home Rule held aloof from the Irish factions. Through the rise of imperialism the attainment of Home Rule has been indefinitely postponed.

Parnell was a handsome man of the English type, quiet in manner and pleasant in conversation, but with no gift of oratory. He avoided public display, and stuck close to business. His political power was due to his accurate judgment of what could be obtained at the time, his skill in framing methods, and his unflinching tenacity. Much of his success was due to the lieutenants whom he brought into harmonious action, though their ideals were widely different from his