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and made the following declaration from his place in Parliament, in 1739, “It has been a maxim with me, during my administration, to encourage the trade of the American colonies in the utmost latitude. Nay, it has been necessary to pass over some irregularities in their trade with Europe; for, by encouraging them in an extensive growing commerce, if they gain £500,000 I am convinced that in two years afterwards full £250,000 of their gains will be in His Majesty's exchequer by the labour and product of this kingdom; as immense quantities of every kind of our produce go thither, and, as they increase in their foreign trade, more will be wanted." Consequently, the colonists traded to foreign ports in contravention of that act. The New Englanders carried their fish to the Mediterranean, and brought back the produce of Southern Europe in exchange. Spain was the best market for the rice of Carolina; and the Dutch settlers of New York kept up without scruple their commercial intercourse with their parent country.

We look back with astonishment at the infatuation of the ministers of that day in their attempt to enforce taxation on a free people.

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Colonies, like children, should be protected and nourished in their infancy, directed in their youth, and left to their own guidance in manhood; and the best conduct to be preserved is to part with them on friendly terms, offer them wholesome advice and afford them assistance when they ask for it, maintaining an amicable intercourse, if possible, for the furtherance of mutual commercial interests."

We must repeat Mirabeau's famous aphorism: "There is an uncertainty in everything that regards taxation which is too dark for the acutest genius to clear up ;" and this is also the case with most subjects that have come under the head of political economy. Certain statistics are put forth and conclusions drawn from these, which are for the most part erroneous. We have often quoted Mr. Jacobs, and we give him every credit for his ability and research; yet the refutation of all his inferences is complete, and the reasonings founded by Mr. M'Culloch and other writers upon these most copious and authentic materials, of course fall to the ground; but upon these how much of our legislation was founded! It is thus seen, how little confidence can be placed upon the most uprightly stated reports even of practised and fully efficient inquirers.

Mr. Powles, in his evidence before the Agricultural Committee of 1833, was listened to with much attention. One of the members asked him if he was of opinion that abstract principles of improvement always worked in operation in the manner contemplated by the projectors? He replied, "I really see so little harmony between abstract principles and the practical business of life, that as a man of business I have the greatest possible distrust of them."

In 1828, a committee of the House of Lords was appointed to examine into the Wool Trade and all circumstances connected with this department of agriculture. After a statement of facts, they ventured upon prediction; the prophetic part of their report was by subsequent events completely nullified and stultified.

Statistics is that department of political science

which is concerned in collecting and arranging facts illustrative of the condition and resources of a state. To reason upon such facts and to draw conclusions from them is not within the province of statistics, but is the business of the statesman and political economist.

The condition of a country always admits of improvement, and its resources depend upon its condition. A wealthy country is always in a condition to go to war, because it contains within itself the necessary elements.

Wealth cannot be accumulated but where order exists; order cannot be maintained by a government which is not strong. Old Burton, in his Anatomy of Melancholy, says, "I do therefore acknowledge that of Tully to be most true. All our civil affairs-all our studies-all our pleading, industry and commendation, lie under the protection of warlike virtues ; and whensoever there is any suspicion of tumult all

our arts cease.

It may then be granted that the country must possess a sufficient force to maintain peace within its own dominions-to defy tumult and resist aggression, Behold the colonies of Great Britain! extending from Quadra to Hong Kong, from Labrador to the Falkland Islands, and commerce carrying its flag to the remotest parts of the ocean. Every one of its vessels that ploughs the sea is a little community in itself, subject to very arbitrary rule; governed by an individual to whom the legislature has delegated its authority; and, when those under his command find their restraint irksome, and will no longer submit to those regulations without which order cannot be maintained, what is his resource? it lies in the hope that he may fall in with a man-of-war--and we recur

at once to the maxim of a great statesman, that wherever British commerce has penetrated, in that region a British pennant should fly.

The same outcry for a reduction of our establishments, which now threatens to agitate the country; the same complaints of the amount our land and seaforces had reached, prevailed a century ago from the country party. "In most parts of England, gentlemen's rents are so ill paid, and the weight of taxation lies so heavy upon them; that those who have nothing from the Court can scarce support their families. Our well-equipped fleets, and our gaily dressed troops, give to be sure an air of magnificence; but then it is well known, that we owe nearly fifty millions, and have been forced to apply the sinking fund, not to discharge the debt, but to furnish out these shows. The dignity of this period, it has been clsewhere remarked, is somewhat impaired by the arithmetical proportions; but it is curious, as illustrating the unfounded dread of increased taxation, and national bankruptcy.

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Another noble historian more circumstantially states the same case: our parliamentary aids, after the renewal of peace, amount to £55,522,197; a sum that will appear incredible to future generations, and is almost so to the present."

The fact is, that the resources of the country were not developed until the alarming successes of the French armies on the continent, and Napoleon's threats of invasion, roused and united all the energies of the people; then the enduring and elastic nature of our institutions was brought out, the persevering, courageous, and untiring qualities of the population * Lyttleton. + Bolingbroke.

manifested, and the fierce struggle for national existence terminated in unquestionable triumph. The Milan decree and our orders in council, had annihilated the commerce of neutrals; our fleets had swept the seas of the enemy's merchant-vessels, and Great Britain monopolised the commerce of the globe. But the feverish excitement, was necessarily followed by temporary exhaustion, and correspondent despondency; the National Debt had reached the enormous sum of £885,000,000, and apprehensions were entertained as to whether the finances of the country could sustain the annual charge of £30,000,000, and furnish sufficient funds to defray the expenses of our civil and military establishments.

The legislature determined to support agriculture and trade by exclusive enactments, but the efficacy of the remedy was soon called in question. Monopoly and protection enhanced the price of food, labour could not be reduced in price so as to enable the manufacturer to sell his goods at such a rate as would prevent establishments starting up, and other countries under-selling him; and the cost of employing and maintaining the poor pressed hard on the landholder; the evils also attending the administratration of the poor laws were rapidly demoralising the country.*

Whilst the war continued, and caused a scarcity of hands, the labourers with large families received assistance from the parish rates; the single man who was not ballotted for the militia, or did not choose to accept the comparative large sum then offered for substitutes, generally married, and came on the same list; but when peace took place, the single man, *First part, page 53.

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