our domestic safety. This being the sen- | timent of the nation-this being a subject upon which the crown had so often committed itself, and committed itself by the advice of Parliament were they, by omitting so important a topic in the Speech, to withhold from their brave and persevering allies the satisfaction of knowing, that it was announced in the Speech from the throne, that the assistance from which they had derived such very great advantages was to be continued ? But he could not discover what there was so objectionable in that particular paragraph of the Speech. In his understanding of it, it pledged no noble lord to support any specific mode of carrying on the war in the Peninsula. The pledge and promise of assistance was, in fact, expressed in those general terms which left every man's future opinions on the subject free and uncontroled. He should not, therefore, follow the noble baron (Grenville) in his observations upon the policy or conduct of the war in the Peninsula. When that important question should come under consideration, he did not despair of being able to convince their lordships, that the system which had been adopted towards Spain and Portugal was not only the best which could have been pursued with reference to the particular circumstances of those countries, but that it was, in fact, the only one which held out any well founded hopes of ultimate success. This system, whatever its merits or demerits may be, Parliament was not now called upon generally to approve, but to sanction the principle which they had repeatedly approved, of aiding and assisting the inhabitants of the Peninsula.

With respect to the predictions alluded to by the noble earl who had so ably moved the Address, the noble baron appeared to him to be under a mistake. They were not intended to apply, as well as he understood them, to any events that had occurred during the present campaign in Portugal. The memory of the noble baron must be rather short, if he could not recollect that, in one of the discussions which took place in the course of last session on the affairs of the Peninsula, there were certain noble lords who did not hesitate to assert and pledge themselves for the correctness of the assertion, that a very few months would bring home the remains of the British army from Portugal. This prediction they founded upon the absolute hopelessness of making effectual head

against the French; a hopelessness produced as they stated, by the inadequacy of the British army to maintain the contest, and the utter insufficiency for any great and trying military emergency of the Portuguese levies. The prediction of the return of the British troops had not yet been fulfilled. The prediction of the insufficiency of the Portuguese troops had been fully falsified by their conduct. H. had the testimony of the gallant Viscount, who commands the allied army-he had the evidence of the eminent and meritorious officer, (marshal Beresford), under whose more immediate care they were, and to whose skill, talents, and activity, they owed the perfection of discipline which they have attained-that they are, in every point, qualified to fight side by side with British troops. This was a point upon which he could appeal with confidence to every British officer who had seen them. But the noble baron had talked of the disappointment of the expectations of the country, and of certain predictions of the speedy expulsion of Massena from Portugal. To this he would an swer, that government never encouraged any such expectations, nor was the slight est hope ever held out by them of the probability of such an event. Where did the noble baron find these predictions? Were they contained in any document of parliamentary authority, in any public dispatch? It would be hard indeed, if government was to be made responsible for the extravagant speculations of over sanguine persons, whose zeal for the honour and glory of their country made them bound over all obstacles in the way of the most complete and decisive success. Differing as he did entirely from the noble baron respecting the policy of the war, he was happy to have an opportunity of agreeing with him on one point-the conduct of the campaign. For the reasons he had stated, he trusted that the noble earl (Grosvenor) would not persevere in his opposition to the Address, and by so doing prevent that unanimity which was so desirable at the commencement of every session, but more particularly of the present, The paragraph relating to Spain and Portugal, he would again repeat, did not commit the country more than it already was committed, or pledge the noble earl or any other noble lord more than he was pledged before.

With respect to America, he could not, in the present state of the negociation with

King's indisposition. He would have preferred to have left that topic to the impressions which the interesting language and sentiments of that speech were sure to excite, because he was well aware that there was not in the House or in the country an individual that would not duly appreciate them. But on such an afflicting occurrence-afflicting to his royal highness the Prince of Wales-sincerely and deeply lamented by every class of the community-silence became impossible; it forced upon one's thoughts whatever were the endeavours to elude it. If in Portugal the country had to boast even more brilliant successes than had attended the brilliant progress of the late campaign; if in America it had to boast an efficient ally incited to hostility by the tyrannic aggressions of France, still it would be impossible to flee from the great calamity which, in the affliction of the sovereign had befallen his people.—Such promising and advantageous occurrences, such desirable and decisive events, instead of affording relief to the general affliction, would more fully reveal and illustrate the magnitude of the public calamity, by shewing to the world the just extent of that distress which must necessarily be the consequence of the present heavy affliction of the common father of his people, under whose government such auspicious results to the happiness and liberty of the world, had taken place.

In an emergency of this description, he could not, he would confess, avoid entertaining a confident hope, that they had now arrived at that period, when gentlemen on every side of the House would be sensible of the necessity of giving support to the government, and thereby carrying into effect the wish, that must be common to them all, of providing effectually for the public safety under circumstances of no ordinary pressure and perplexity. In calling upon the House, then, to afford its cheerful and cordial support to the government in a moment of such peculiar difficulty, he felt that he was making no common place call for unanimity. He thought, therefore, he could congratulate himself and the House on having arrived at that period when all differences would be forgotten a period which would be, he should hope, the commencement of peace amongst them, the date of the cessation of hostilities, the signal for the union of all parties, when one side of the House would offer its talent and its spirit and the other carry an

VOL. XVIII.

oblivion of all disputes into one common exertion for the service of the country. Indeed he almost made sure of unanimity, when he reflected on the arguments of those who contended that, to a government with such radical weakness, as that of a Regent must naturally be, the full powers of the crown were necessary—arguments which, in his judgment, were most conscientiously delivered, though erroneously applied, but which, when remembered, it was impossible that those who advanced them, could refuse to that government their confidence and assent. With these recollections, he had good reasons to conclude that there was an end to party hostility that all men would, as they were bound, labour in conjunction for the public interest.

The great object of both sides of the House should now be, as the Regency was established, to come forward with all their powers and abilities to support the Regent's government and to promote the service of their country. Whatever of suspense, whatever of difficulty, there may be in the situation of the kingdom, the wisdom of parliament was strenuously called on by the Speech to examine and provide for. But the appeal contained in that Speech did not alone recommend it to their earnest consideration. There was something which called still more for itwhich rendered it of still higher importance" it was a plain accurate picture of Great Britain." And in the hopes it expressed of the wisdom and conduct to be pursued by parliament it best expounded their duties. His duty, in his judgment, he could best discharge, by glancing generally at the details which it comprehended.

in glancing at the topics touched upon in the Speech, he saw no necessity for going at any considerable length into the consideration of them, because those parts which were connected with any difficulty, would hereafter undergo a full and satisfactory investigation. By the capture of the islands of Bourbon and Amboyna, the colonial resources of the enemy had been still further crippled. Though the House was in the habit of repeatedly hearing of the success of the expeditions fitted out against the enemies colonies, still he trust. ed, that the achievements he had just mentioned, particularly the capture of Bourbon, would not be considered as a matter of inconsiderable importance. They could not be now expected to boast of 4 F

very great captures from the enemy, after the numberless successes which had been already in the course of the war obtained by the British arms-and which, in fact, had left them little more to conquer. But if little of colonial territory was left to France in the former periods of the war, the period had now arrived when that power was completely deprived of the little that remained. The defeat of the enemy, in his invasion of Sicily, which is land he had most presumptuously and arrogantly asserted his ability and intention to conquer, was effected under circumstances truly honourable to the British troops; and, when the House considered the great superiority of the enemy on that occasion, and the celerity with which their attempt was rendered abortive, they might rely with firmness, if the so much boasted invasion of this country should ever be attempted, that a similar result would follow. When he looked to the bravery of the troops, and the skill and heroism of their commanders, he thought they were well worthy of receiving the thanks of parliament. A degree of bravery and energy had been displayed in repulsing the French on that memorable occasion, which would point out to them the folly and temerity of hereafter approaching the shores of Great Britain.

When he looked to Spain and the Peninsula, whatever may be the opinions of many members either as to the policy or the conduct of our military operations, there, he still believed that there was no person disinclined to go the length of stating, that hitherto at least the designs of the enemy had been frustrated. Whether they were contented with the progress of the British arms-whether they believed that opportunities of greater prospects, and leading to more successful results if they had been improved, had presented themselves, still those who even thought so, could not hesitate to admit the French Government was disappointed. But in considering the objects attempted to be gained in that country by France, it would be well to contrast the footing on which she stood at present, with the promises which she had held out. All these promises had been falsified :-all her hopes had been destroyed-all her threats had been rendered abortive! From the press of the Moniteur-from the mouth of Buonaparte enslaved Europe had been told, that, on the approach of the French armies, not an Englishman would be

suffered to remain on the Peninsula. The Government of this country had pursued a different mode-they made no such boast. Every sober and rational man in Great Britain supposed that it would be a long-protracted struggle that it must necessarily be a warfare of long continuance-a warfare of slow progress and tedious and complicated operations. The threats of the French government so far from having been realised recoiled upon their own author. The British troops, which were to have been driven from the Peninsula, still triumphantly maintained themselves there. And when he contemplated the increased strength of the British army at present there-the gallantry with which they had uniformly behaved, and the successes thay had gained-he could see nothing that should lead the House or the country to entertain any doubt as to the successful termination of their hitherto victorious career. If then the British Army had not only sustained its character, but established its superioity over the enemy;-if on the heights of Busaco another proud confirmation of the invincibility of British prowess had been witnessed ;-if the spirit, infused by British example, and regulated by British discipline, among the native legions of Portugal, afforded another pledge for well-grounded hope;if in the character of the Commander of our forces, Lord Wellington, the world now saw the developement of all those qualities, which constituted the claim to military talents of the highest order;-if it

observed the brave nations of the Peninsula, after the defection of almost all their aristocracy, after the desertion of some and the cowardice of others of their military leaders, with their legislature besieged, still maintaining the struggle for independence-surely that was a cause which Great Britain was bound to support, and whilst Spain and Portugal performed their duties, not to be deterred from affording every possible co-operation and assistance. Lord Wellington, he was proud to assert, had eminently displayed, throughout his campaign in the Peninsula, those qualities for which he had been before celebrated; and developed, also, every mili tary qualification, his possession of which had been before doubted. To the talents of Lord Wellington, therefore he thought the country was greatly indebted.-But for his consummate skill, the eagles of Buonaparte would have been long since placed on the towers of Lisbon. He was