The Earl of Harrowby said, if the noble, lord had waited to hear his argument out, he would have found that he applied it in a manner not inconsistent with order. But in reply to his observation, he would beg to ask the noble baron in what country it was, that to appoint a regent was not for the time to set aside the monarch on the throne? (cries of No, no!) Well, then, if such language was not agreeable to the

permitted to say, that we ought to pause before we should determine to place in his Majesty's room any other person whatever. We ought to pause the more, when we considered that he has governed us for fifty years, and reflected upon the many blessings of his paternal sway.

Lord Holland spoke to order, and protested against the use of such language, as unconstitutional, observing, that if the noble lord persisted in making use of the expression, he should feel it his duty to move to have his lordship's words taken down.

an incapacity of fulfilling the royal functions was discovered, that moment they were bound to proceed in supplying the deficiency? Surely, both after the former and the recent conduct of parliament that could not be stated as necessary. Sensible he was of the inconveniences; nay, of the dangers of such a state of things at any time, and still more at the present moment; he was also alive to the dangers of a precedent, from which the exe-noble lords opposite, he might at least be cutive branch of the constitution might appear to go on without a head. But this danger had been already incurred both in 1788, and more lately; while they knew that the temporary suspension of the functions of the supreme power did not in fact produce a total dissolution of government; that the government was capable of going on for a certain time; and that the momentum of force which our government has once received, still carries on its functions with steadiness and regularity: Currit iter tutum non secius equore classis.' Though the master be no longer at the helm, we are not in immediate danger of shipwreck. A certain degree of discretion in exercising our right may still be allowed; and the present motion for delay was expressly made for the purpose of laying the most solid grounds for supplying the chasm in the executive government. The noble lord had himself even admitted, that there ought to be on such an occasion a mixture of those feelings of respectful reluctance to interfere, which ought not ever to be discharged from political discussion. We must not only feel that it is a King of England who is the object of such feelings, but that it is this King of England. How natural was it, then, to wish for every possible delay before they should proceed to set aside the monarch from the throne, (cries of Order, Order!) and to fill up his place with another.

The Earl of Harrowby said, that how ever he might feel inclined to bow to the correction of the House, he was by no means disposed to submit to the censures of the noble lord. He believed references of the same nature had been frequently made before in similar discussions; nor did he, although not in the ordinary practice of addressing their lordships, perceive any irregularity in the language he had used, sufficient to render the interruption he had met with necessary.

The Marquis of Abercorn observed, that in his judgment the call to order had been unnecessary, and was in itself a greater breach of order than that, which it professed to correct. It was perfectly plain to him, that if a regent were appointed, so long as his authority existed, the King would be certainly set aside. He was at a loss, therefore, to perceive in what the Lord Grenville rose to order. He ex- noble earl had offended against order, in pressed his astonishment that he had lived using this expression, more particularly to hear it said, that he or his noble friends when the existing incapacity of his Manear him proposed to set aside the monarch jesty, as well as the propriety of abstainfrom the throne. There was nothing in ing from taking immediate measures to their language that even by the most dis- substitute a regent in his place, was the tant implication could justify such an as- very subject of debate. It appeared to sertion. It was surely incumbent upon him that a difference of opinion had in the noble lord to name who had ever in- this instance formed the only cause of the timated or suggested so monstrous a pro-interruption which the noble earl had exposition, at which their lordships' hearts perienced. must shrink with horror. He must protest most solemnly and strongly against the use of such an expression.

Lord Holland insisted, that to use the King's name in the manner the noble lord had introduced it into the discussion, was

cacy of the subject, and the imperious call for unanimity of sentiment under so many circumstances of affliction, had prevailed on him not to oppose a step, which was to continue suspended for a further limited time the exercise of the regal functions. But which of these motives could now possibly operate on his mind?

highly disorderly; nor was the apology offered by the noble marquis such as ought to satisfy the House. Leaving, how ever, this point, and adverting to the question before the House, he declared he felt no reluctance frankly to acknowledge, that he entertained no predilection for ministers-no disposition to repose in them any extraordinary confidence. But, not-The report of the privy council had estawithstanding all the decisive opinions he had hitherto conceived or entertained of them, they had, in this instance he must acknowledge deceived him. Although he had been informed, both before and since his entrance into the House, of the course which they proposed to take, and of the motion which they intended to submit, it did appear to him so strange and incredible that any men should, under the circumstances of the period, recommend a longer suspension of the executive power, that he had been unable to give due respect or credit to the information. He should be sorry to display any unnecessary asperity on such an occasion, but it was impossible not to express the utmost astonishment at the motion of the noble secretary of state. That noble earl told their lordships, that, from the report of the examinations taken by the privy council, and this day read in the House, three facts had become apparent, and upon these facts, the noble secretary formed the grounds of his motion. He, however, considered the whole report as exhibiting nothing more than speculation, uncertain views on a most uncertain subject, and the only fact which to him appeared to be clearly established, was the fact of his Majesty's incapacity.

The noble earl (Harrowby) had founded his support of the original motion on the proceedings of 1788, as well as upon the example of the last adjournment for the period of fourteen days past. In what point the present adjournment conformed to the precedent of 1788, he was unable to discover, and that the adjournment which took place fourteen days before, should be urged as justifying of dictating a second adjournment for a period of equal duration, was a still more extraordinary position. He had consented to that adjournment upon motives which, though not conclusive to his understanding, had unquestionably appeared to him to outweigh upon that occasion, the inducements or the necessity of going to a division. The House had then scarcely met in sufficient numbers, the extreme deli

blished the fact of his Majesty's continued incapacity. Here then was ground for investigation, here was a course clearly pointed out and opened to them for proceeding. Before the House knew the fact only on the assertion of an individual. After having ascertained this important point, with what decency could they be now asked to suffer the present defective" condition of the government to continue ? In 1788, the period to which his Majesty's ministers were constantly referring, as to the precedent which they were determined to follow with the most scrupulous fidelity, the preliminary points had been so arranged and conducted as to leave no room for difference or complaint between contending parties. How however, had ministers acted in this instance? In a manner diametrically opposite, deviating from the line which they themselves approved and particularly selected as a guide for their conduct in every respect. The great principle of that precedent unquestionably was, the resolution to which the states of the realm then came, that the right of supplying the defect of the royal authority had devolved on the two Houses of Parliament. This was the sum and substance of that precedent, and such were the principles upon which it proceeded, and the uses to which it is applicable. With all this before them, was it not obvious in what manner and form it was open to them to proceed to the discharge of the great and momentous duties now imposed upon them? Were they then assembled only for the purpose of adjournment? or was not the object of their meeting rather to restore life and activity to the royal functions? Ministers asked for more time-more time for what? the only answer that could be given to this question was, for prolonging the present calamitous situation of the country.

The noble secretary of state had indeed talked of inconvenience, of partial and comparative inconvenience. Was it possible to compare the inconveniences, to use the noble lord's own language, of the year 1788, to the dangers, the awful

and unparalleled dangers of the present | be, the noble earl seemed to forget that period? It was not to be forgotten that it was impossible it could have any weight those who now constituted the govern- or influence in their present deliberations. ment of the country, and who, he might Neither of these facts were before them venture to say, did not command or pos- in an authentic shape; the report of the sess the confidence of the nation, were examinations taken before the privy exercising at this moment an additional council, was not ground on which they supreme authority, and that they were could institute any proceedings whatsoextending their power almost beyond the ever. Before they could perform any leverge of responsibility. He felt deeply gitimate act, they must ascertain in a rethe state of the empire, and was willing, gular form the fact of the royal incapain illustration of that feeling, to adopt the city. But by the system into which it metaphor of the noble earl (Harrowby). was now proposed to enter, this evidence That noble lord had recommended delay, would never be attained; for there was and could discover no danger in a still nothing in the reasons adduced to justify longer suspension of the executive func- the proposed adjournment, that might tions. The vessel of the state, the noble not, should his Majesty's illness suffer no earl thought, was under an impulse which abatement, be applied with equal force would not be likely to cease, and would and justice to future and indefinite adprobably enable it to escape the shoals, if journments. Thus the period, when it left to pursue its course unaltered. The should be acknowledged on all sides that impulsus remorum was in his mind still vi- the defect of the executive authority gorous, still effective. Now he (lord ought to be supplied, was to be placed at Holland) feared that we were not on so a remote distance, and all the evils of calm a sea as the noble earl appeared to such a state of things aggravated by beapprehend; he saw the vessel of the ing rendered in a manner permanent. He state assailed by tempests, and nobody at called then on ministers to consider the the helm; he saw her driven in a storm course they were pursuing, and requested that threatened awful and imminent dan- not to be regarded in the light of their ger. The noble lord indeed had informed opponent, while he cautioned them to their lordships, that they ought not has- pause on the verge of their strange and tily to transfer authority, but he denied unaccountable proceeding. A bill of inthat any authority existed to be trans- demnity might hereafter screen them ferred; the royal authority was suspended, from the personal consequences of their and unless supplied or vested in another rashness, but nothing could rescue the person, there could be no executive power country from the hazard of those perils left in existence in the country. He con- which were collected and darkened round jured the House, therefore, to reflect be- her. The noble lord concluded a very fore they suffered it to go abroad; before animated and impressive speech by dethey permitted it to be said, that, at a claring, that he should vote for the amendmoment so critical as the present, when, ment. among many embarrassing circumstances, the absence of so large a part of our military force, was one not the least deserving of attention, or the least productive of the most justifiable apprehension, the House of Lords was content to confide the supreme power and authority of the realm to the hands of ministers, and had adjourned for a second fortnight without the adoption of a single measure that could tend to the security or the benefit of the country. The noble earl, no doubt, had talked of other facts and circumstances, as grounds to induce their lordships to agree to his proposition. He had with this view remarked, that we had now had experience of the nature of his Majesty's malady, and of the probability of his recovery. But whatever that experience might

The Earl of Westmoreland could not but consider the present question as one of the most important that had ever occurred. He wished he could have heard it discussed with that temper and fairness, which a point of such delicacy and importance must so naturally have called for. Nothing, however, was heard, but accusations against his Majesty's ministers for having resorted to repeated adjournments, and unnecessary delays. Had ministers, however, been anxious to protract or defer the discussion of the question, might they not have adjourned at once to this day, agreeably to the manifestation of his Majesty's pleasure taken to that effect, declared by the order in council made out for a further prorogation to the 29th inst.? The line of the conduct they

exercise of the royal authority for a fortnight longer, when the country was involved in every sort of danger, difficulty, and embarrassment? It was establishing a most dangerous precedent and example. It was trying a most perilous and hazardous experiment, to continue so long the suspension of the royal authority. Impressed with such a view of the case, he could never bring himself to acquiesce in the motion of adjournment.

Lord Grenville then spoke to the follow

much more satisfactory to me before I rose to address you, to have heard the opinions of your lordships more at large, and still more satisfactory to have been acquainted with the arguments which his Majesty's ministers could have produced in order to induce your lordships to accede

had adopted, had not arisen from any wish to retain their places; on the contrary, they boldly met Parliament, and betrayed no other anxiety than that their conduct might be guided by the wisdom and the judgment of the great council of the nation. If his Majesty's ministers had been disposed to avoid meeting Parliament, precedents were not wanting for affixing the great seal to public instruments, during the suspension of the royal functions, in cases of necessity. But if their lordships then granted on their lasting effect: My lords, it would have been meeting an adjournment of 14 days, upon what grounds was a similar adjournment now to be opposed? In what situation were their lordships then placed? The physicians attending his Majesty had been examined, and they were unanimously of opinion, that stronger hopes may yet be entertained of his Majesty's reco-to the course they now recommend; and very. Did the report of the physicians in 1788, state such confident expectations? No: the physicians had then but little or no expectations of the King's recovery, and his Majesty had then been ill more than six weeks. A proceeding should therefore not be instituted exactly on the ground of the proceedings in 1788. Besides, were we to forfeit the many blessings of his Majesty's reign; the many benefits conferred on the country for the long period of 50 years? This was a feeling with which the people of England were strongly impressed. He did not however mean to rest the merits of the question, on the emotions of gratitude and affection for the Sovereign; he was willing and disposed to argue it on the ground of political expediency and national utility. It was not how long, how many hours, how many minutes, the throne was vacant that should be inquired, but what was it which a sound discretion should incline us to adopt. In 1788, the discussions which took place branched into various views. Some supposed the regency to devolve of right on the heir apparent; others contended that the right of disposing of it belonged exclusively to the two Houses of Parliament. There was now no necessity of entering into those points. But to use a proper discretion in filling up the vacancy of the royal power, when the necessity of such a proceeding should be clearly ascertained.

Earl Darnley was strongly against a further adjournment of 14 days. Were such men as those who composed the present administration to continue in the full

in so doing to abandon your most sacred duties-to turn your backs upon the constitution and upon your country. But I must own, that I am not surprised at the total absence of any thing like argument on their part when I consider the extraordinary nature of the proposition that the noble lords opposite submit for your adoption-a proposition most derogatory to the dignity of parliament-most hostile to the best interests of the monarchy, and most repugnant to every principle of the constitution. When I this day entered your lordships House, I did entertain the hope, that, as, from the pressure of public concerns from the particular delicacy of the immediate question itself, unanimity was most desirable, such a course of proceeding would have been proposed as should tend to promote an unanimous acquiescence. It was under the influence of similar feelings, and actuated by such wishes, that I brought myself, on the former day, when we were last assembled to sacrifice my stricter judgment, and, for the sake of unanimity, to consent to the proposed adjournment. It was to the same influence that I did then attribute the decision of your lordshipsfor nothing can induce me to believe it possible that any other motive could have swayed you to put such a strain upon your duties such a force upon your consciences, as that decision most unquestionably was. Who then could have supposed that on this night, upon much worse grounds, the same persons would have called upon your lordships to accede to a similar proposition, and once more to relinquish the