a man about whom they knew nothing, increased the salary to £4,000. The governor of the Cape receives £6,500, a paltry sum for men like Sir Henry Barkly and Sir Bartle Frere. It is unequal to the proper maintenance of the vice-regal state. Depend upon it, when the colonies coalesce, not only they, but the pro-consuls set over them, will be able to move more freely, and an era of prosperity and progress, of which we cannot form even a faint conception, will dawn for the much-abused, much sat upon "Land of Misfortune ".

1

CHAPTER XLVIII.

IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND COLONIAL NEUTRALITY.

WHENCE DOES THIS LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY, THIS UNIVERSAL PASSION PROCEED?"

I HAVE already alluded to a grievance which some colonists fancy they have established. They complain that a fashion obtains, with some of their fellow-citizens, of returning to England to spend the fruits of their labours there, far away from the country to which they owe their worldly advancement and prosperity. Many perfervid colonists enquire mournfully why their old friends and companions elect not to remain and spend with them, and among them, the wealth which they have assisted them to amass. This

is all very well, and if South Africa were a united dominion, with a national homogeneity of such a character as would be calculated to inspire some enthusiasm and pride, colonists might be inclined to make personal sacrifice, and remain in their whilom homes, adopting the country as their Fatherland. But there is another side to this question.

It is absurdly argued that because the Chinese return to the Celestial Empire, with the money fruits of their labours, they impoverish that country from which they have exacted their legitimate guerdon, which guerdon they take away in its accumulated form. This is silly nonsense. Do they not leave the monuments of their labours behind them, and the results thereof, in the shape of reproductive capital and the multiform industries, to which they have given much of their initial motive power? The same sophistry is advanced respecting returning colonists, as is put forward regarding the Chinese. It is capable of being met and refuted by similar line of reasoning. True, the capital of these fortunate men has, as a rule, been produced by their energy and hard labour in creating the industries and developing the resources of the colony. But they leave behind others to carry on those grand enterprises and concerns, to which their brains have given the first impetus, and to which their labour has supplied the first fuel. Thus many others are benefited besides themselves. The mere creation of industries is a far greater boon to the colonies than is the simple expenditure of nominal sums of money, however large they may be. Of course, I can fully sympathise with the natural desire to retain rich colonists, in a country devoid of capital. But there is another side to this question, even if we view it from the lowly and mercantile standard of mere profit and loss. I contend, that in the absence of any system of imperial federation or representation, all well-wishers to the colonies cannot but regard with pleasure the system in vogue with certain Cape and Natal colonists of returning to Great Britain. It keeps alive the interest and sympathy between England and her colonial offspring, and it binds a tighter bond

"All those nameless ties

In which the charm of country lies,"

TO DELAY IS DANGEROUS.

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and it insures the presence in this country of a number of clever men, and men of business, who can say a word in favour of the colonies, on political, social, and commercial matters, when occasion calls for such a word—a certain leaven among the mass of popular ignorance concerning colonial affairs.

I have already written elsewhere so much on the subject to which I am tending,-colonial representation in the Imperial Parliament,—that I shall abstain here from alluding to this important topic except in the merest outline.* We must have imperial federation sooner or later. That is to say, the distinct issues before us are: The Federation of the Empire, or its Disintegration ?" Name not the horrid alternative again, the thought itself is worse than a thousand deaths."

But there is no via media, although there are many schemes tending in the direction of Imperial Federation which might fitly be put in force in order to lead up to, and prepare the way for, that "grand consummation devoutly to be wished". Colonial boards, councils, or committees sitting in London, like the Indian Council, would be movements in the right direction. But, as the High Commissioner for Canada, Sir Alexander Galt, very pertinently remarked some time since, the necessary outgrowth of the inevitable demand, a demand which cannot be refused, for a larger measure of local self-government on the part of the various districts of the United Kingdom, will leave the Imperial Parliament freer to devote its energies to purely imperial matters, and surely then there will be room for representatives of our cousins and brothers across the seas. Room enough, and to spare. We want a real Imperial Parliament, not merely a nominal one. We must have

it. The colonies must be allowed a voice in the questions of peace and war, and of colonisation, and in matters connected with our trade and commerce. An imperial compromise or bond on the basis of intercolonial and English reciprocity is sadly needed. England has made, and continues to make, sad blunders in the conduct of her colonial affairs, arising from blind ignorance, and crass short-sighted unwisdom. She endeavours to "A World Empire: being an Essay upon Imperial Federation." London,

1879.

apply certain cut-and-dry theories, and preconceived ideas, to the practical issues which colonists understand by heart, because they are forced upon their notice every day, clamouring for instant solution. She persists, as Judge Cloete said: "In judging everything from a European standpoint". Had she the advice of men who know, always at hand, she would be able to remove the stigma and reproach of mismanagement which now disgraces her. The Cape papers, especially those in the Dutch interest, have more than once declared in favour of colonial neutrality in the event of European war. This has been the case especially after some particularly flagrant display of opacity on the part of the home authorities. It would take a good deal of snubbing, neglect, and wrongful intermeddling, to induce colonists to go so far as this-which would mean practically, a declaration of independence. I allow every excuse for the threat, although were it carried out, it would prove as short-sighted and impolitic on the part of colonists, as it would be brutal, unnatural, and unmanly. England could and would protect her colonies.

Recent events in Egypt, to wit, the casy collapse of Alexandria, have set colonists, especially Australasians and Canadians, thinking, and they are now inclined to go to work with a will to provide for their own defence. This is as it should be, for there can be no doubt, whether the colonies declared themselves neutral or not during any troubles that might come upon us, still, whatsoever power might be at war with England, it would take advantage of our vulnerable points, and attack the outlying portions of the Empire. So, even should these homes of Englishmen be no longer integral portions of the Empire, but independent states, I firmly believe the same result would accrue. If the colonies stick by us and help us, as Canada has promised to do, and is now making determined preparations that she may be able so to do, in the case of emergency, England would never make terms of peace until such colonies as in any conflict might have been wrested from her, were returned, and until full compensation for damages inflicted upon them was made. England would swim or sink upon these conditions. Were the colonies neutral or independent, they would make a sorry show should England be attacked by any great naval power.