and Mejia. Be pleased to communicate this glorious event to all the governors within the line of your command, with my most cordial felicitations. a. m. Independence and liberty. In front of Queretaro, May 16, 1867, at 11 DEAR SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your unofficial note of yesterday, enclosing a copy of the telegram from General Escobedo to General Diaz, confirming the capture of Queretaro and of the Prince Maximilian. I am, sir, truly yours, Señor Don MATIAS ROMERO, &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Romero to Mr. Seward. [Unofficial.] WASHINGTON, June 4, 1867. MY DEAR Mr. SEWARD: In accordance with our conversation of this morning, I enclose to you a copy taken from my private letter-book, of a letter addressed by me to Mr, Hiram Barney, on the 31st ultimo, and which was published in yesterday's New York Evening Post. I am, my dear sir, most truly yours, Mr. FREDERICK W. SEWARD, &c., &c., &c. M. ROMERO. [Enclosure No. 1.] WASHINGTON, May 31, 1867. MY DEAR SIR: I have been favored with your esteemed letters of the 22d and 29th instant. I am very glad to hear that you returned safely and well from your long trip southwards. Please accept my heartfelt thanks for your kind congratulations on our success in Mexico. It has been, indeed, most complete and gratifying to us. We have accepted no humiliating terms from the French; we are not embarrassed by treaty stipulations with any foreign power which would be likely to give us trouble; all our leading enemies are conquered and in our hands; we will have, so to say, a new start in life. We have achieved our victory with our scanty means, without any material assistance (physical aid) from any foreign nation, and having, on the contrary, against us the moral influence of all Europe and the material strength of France and other continental powers. To this gigantic combination we have only been able to oppose the endurance and patriotism of our people, and the steadfast sympathy of the people of the United States. The remembrance of that enlightened sympathy will be everlasting in Mexico. I will try to do full justice to it in a memorandum of my sojourn in the United States during the war, which I intend to write at some future day, as a contribution to the history of that eventful period. I have perused with interest your remarks about the way in which we ought to treat the enemies of Mexico. I do not know what disposition President Juarez will make of Maximilian, but I am afraid that if he is allowed to go back to Europe with impunity, he will be a constant menace to the peace of Mexico. He will keep on styling himself, to our shame, emperor of Mexico; all dissatisfied Mexicans will keep up an active correspondence with him about his supposed popularity there, and even may induce him to return at some future time, as they did with Iturbide; such of them as can afford it will go over to Austria and form a Mexican court for Maximilian at Miramar, and he will have enough of them to organize a legitimate Mexican government there, as the ex-king of the Two Sicilies did at Rome, after he was expelled from Naples; some European powers will keep recognizing him as the emperor of Mexico, as Spain did with the ex-king of the two Sicilies; whenever we may be likely to have complications with any European nation, the first step taken by the interested party will be to intrigue with Maximilian, and to threaten us with giving aid to our lawful sovereign to recover his authority from the hands of the usurpers, if we decline to accept their terms. Besides, if Maximilian is pardoned and allowed to go home, nobody in Europe, I am sure, will give us credit for magnanimity, as weak nations are not supposed to be magnanimous; but, on the contrary, it will be said that we did so through fear of public opinion in Europe, and because we would not dare to treat harshly our sovereign. I do not mean by this to say that Maximilian must necessarily be shot; what I mean is that his power to do any further mischief in Mexico must be utterly destroyed before he is allowed to depart. The United States are a great country and a perfectly well organized power, and therefore they can afford to do what would not be prudent for a country like Mexico. I have full faith in President Juarez's ability to treat Maximilian in the way most convenient to the interests of Mexico. We have sacred duties to fulfil towards our own country, and their discharge should be the first consideration that we should have in view in attempting to resolve any question. In great haste, I am, my dear friend, most truly yours, Hon. HIRAM BARNEY, &c., New York City. M. ROMERO. Annexed to Mr. Romero's letter of June 4, 1867. [Copy of the letter as printed by the New York Evening Post of June 3, 1867.] * “WASHINGTON, May 31, 1867. * * We "Please accept my heartfelt thanks for your kind congratulations on our success in Mexico. It has been, indeed, most complete and gratifying to us. have accepted no humiliating terms from the French; we are not embarrassed by treaty stipulations with any foreign power which would be likely to give us trouble; all our leading enemies are conquered and in our hands. We will have, so to say, a new start in life. We have achieved our victory with our own scanty means, without assistance from any foreign nation, but on the contrary against the moral influence of all Europe, and the material strength of France and other continental powers. To this gigantic combination we have only been able to oppose the endurance and patriotism of our people, and the steadfast sympathy of the people of the United States. The remembrance of that enlightened sympathy will be everlasting in Mexico. I shall try to do full justice to it in a memorandum of my sojourn in the United States during the war, which I intend to write at some future day, as a contribution to the history of that eventful period. I have perused with interest your remarks about the way in which we ought to treat the enemies of Mexico. I do not know what disposition President Juarez may make of Maximilian, but I am afraid if he is allowed to go back to Europe with impunity, he will be a constant menace to the peace of Mexico. He will continue to style himself, to our shame, emperor of Mexico. All dissatisfied and designing Mexicans will keep up an active correspondence with him about his supposed popularity there, and these people may induce him to return at some future time, as they did with Iturbide. Such of them as can afford it will go over to Austria and form a Mexican court for Maximilian at Miramar, and he will have enough of them to organize a 'Mexican government' there, as the ex-king of the Two Sicilies did at Rome after he was expelled from Naples. Some European powers will continue to recognize him as the emperor of Mexico, as Spain did with the ex-king of the Two Sicilies. Whenever we may have complications with any European nation, the first step taken by the interested party will be to intrigue with Maximilian, and to threaten us with 'giving aid to our lawful sovereign, to recover his authority from the hands of the usurpers,' if we decline to accept terms. Besides, if Maximilian is pardoned and allowed to go home, nobody in Europe, I am sure, will give us credit for magnanimity, as weak nations are not supposed to be magnanimous; but, on the contrary, it will be said that we did so through fear of public opinion in Europe, and because we would not dare to treat harshly an European prince and our sovereign.' I do not say by this that Maximilian must necessarily be shot. What I mean is that his power to do further mischief in Mexico must be destroyed before he is allowed to depart. The United States is a great country and a perfectly organized power, and therefore they can afford to do what would not be prudent for a country like Mexico. I have full faith in President Juarez's ability to treat Maximilian in a way most beneficial to the interests of Mexico. We have sacred duties to fulfil toward our own country, and their discharge must be the first consideration that we should have in view in attempting to solve any question. 66 In great haste, I am, my dear friend, most truly yours, "M. ROMERO." Mr. Seward to Mr. Romero. [Unofficial.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: Your note of the 4th instant, marked unofficial, enclosing copy of your letter of 31st ultimo to the Hon. Hiram Barney, of New York city, has been received. I am, very truly, your obedient servant, Señor Don MATIAS ROMERO, &c., &c, &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Memorandum of an interview between Mr Seward and Mr. Romero. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 15, 1867. Mr. Seward said that he had asked an interview with Mr. Romero for the purpose of saying what follows: Mexican public journals of both the republican and the intervention parties seem to dwell with great pleasure upon any incident or circumstance that can be perverted into a proof that the government of the United States seeks, or is willing to obtain, some undue advantage in Mexico, or some undue influence over the administration there. These expressions do not surprise Mr. Seward, although they are entirely without reason or color of reason. They are an inevitable form of partisan warfare in Mexico. Mr. Seward is desirous that the administration of President Juarez should know that, besides the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of France and the Queen of England have severally, and in a confidential manner, appealed to the United States to use any legitimate good offices within their power to avert the execution of the Prince Maximilian. The United States have already expressed themselves on that subject with frankness and profound respect to the government of President Juarez. To reiterate its opinions and wishes in a formal manner, in compliance with the wishes expressed by the Sovereigns of France and Great Britain, would, perhaps, embarrass the government of President Juarez, and might tend to defeat the humane purposes entertained. At the same time Mr. Seward, assuming that the question may still remain an open one, is desirous that President Juarez should be informed of the interest in the person of the Prince Maximilian thus expressed by the last-named European powers. Mr. Seward also thinks it proper to say that he apprehends no possible contingency in which any European power will attempt either invasion or intervention hereafter in Mexico, or in any other republican nation on the American continent. For this reason he does not think that Mexico has to apprehend any attempt at retaliation by European powers as a consequence of whatsoever extreme decision the Mexican government may make; but at the same time Mr. Seward also thinks that a universal sentiment, favorable, conciliatory, and friendly, towards the republic of Mexico and the other American republics would be likely to follow from such an exercise of clemency and magnanimity as the United States have thought proper to recommend. Mr. Seward requests Mr. Romero, if compatible with his convictions of duty, to make these sentiments known in a private and confidential manner to the republic of Mexico. Mr. Romero to Mr. Seward. WASHINGTON, June 19, 1867. Mr. Romero presents his compliments to Mr. Seward, and has the honor to enclose to him translation of extracts from a letter dated at Casa Mata, on the 7th instant, containing information about the trial of Maximilian. MY DEAR SIR: [Translation.] CASA MATA, June 7, 1867. From the interior we hear that the government ordered a suspension on Maximilian's trial, with a view to give time to Baron Magnus and Maximilian's counsel, Don Mariano Riva Palacio, Don Rafael Martinez de la Torre, and Don Eulalio Ortega, who had already left Mexico, to reach Queretaro. From Tacubaya we hear that the campaign in Mexico should end during this week. The Secretary of State presents his thanks to Mr. Romero for his attention in communicating to him a translation of extracts from a letter dated Casa Mata on the 7th instant, containing information about the trial of Maximilian. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Don MATIAS ROMERO, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Seward to Mr. Romero. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, MY DEAR MR. ROMERO: I am authorized to inform President Juarez that the Emperor of Austria will at once re-establish Prince Maximilian in all his rights of succession as Archduke of Austria, upon Maximilian's release and renouncing forever all projects in Mexico. Will you oblige me by conveying this message by telegraph to President Juarez for his information, with my request, that if compatible, he will make the same known to Prince Maximilian for his information? I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Señor MATIAS ROMERO, &c., &c., &c., Washington, D. C. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Romero to Mr. Seward. [Translation.] WASHINGTON, June 21, 1867. MY DEAR MR. SEWARD: I have had the honor to receive your esteemed letter of this date, in which you communicate to me "that you are authorized to inform President Juarez that the Emperor of Austria will reinstate Prince Maximilian in all his rights to succession as Archduke of Austria, as soon as Maximilian should be set at liberty and should renounce forever all his projects in Mexico," and you besides request me to transmit this message by telegraph to |