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a crown of gold. He appointed his wife executrix; and his three brethren, John and Samuel Lister, and John Whitley, supervisors, and gives to each of them an angel of gold. Witnesses-John Lister and William Aked.-Proved 26th April, 1615, before the Dean of Pontefract, by his executrix.

These Listers, of the family at Little Horton, were his brothers-in-law, he having married their sister.

Richard Lister, the succeeding vicar, may have been one of the nephews of vicar Kemp.

JOHN OKELL.

From what quarter John Okell sprung, cannot be determined. As the name is one not occuring in this neighbourhood, he most likely was a stranger in these parts. Francis Morrie and Francis Philip, who, I believe, were trustees or purchasers of the Corporation of London, presented him, by purchase, to the living. Okell seems to have been a man much engaged in the secular affairs of the town. To him and three others, the manor and appurtenant estates were conveyed, in 1629, by the Corporation of London, in trust for sale. These trustees enfranchised large tracts of copyhold lands in Manningham. From his will he appears to have died possessed of a considerable estate for that period. He was most likely a bachelor. The Church Register records his burial in the Church on the 2nd July, 1639:

Will of John Okell, vicar of Bradford, dated the 13th September, 1636.-Whereby, after stating that he was in good and perfect health, and that his will was written with his own hand, he recites that he had by a deed, dated 7th August, 1633, granted to Robert Horn, of Bradford, and James Sagar, of Allerton, his real estate, in Bradford and Manningham, to the use of himself for life, and then for such uses as he should by will appoint; he appointed same to the use of John Smith, of Bradford, linen draper, and Thomas Croft, of Bradford, mercer; upon trust to pay £700 to his brothers, Peter Okell, Geo. Okell, and Thos. Okell, and three sisters, Margaret, the wife of Robert Jackson, Ellen, late wife of Thomas Merrie, and Frances, late wife Thomas of Venables, such sum to be paid in two years, equally among them; save only that the £116 10s. 4d. given to his brother, George Okell, should remain in the hands of his brothers, Peter Okell, and Thomas Okell, and Robert Jackson, upon their entering into security for it to George Okell, to pay him £9 yearly during the term of his life. On his (George's) decease, £40 thereof to go to two of the

youngest children of John Newall, to whom Testator was great uncle; £10 to his sister Isabell's daughter; and the remainder of the

116 10s. 4d. to two of the youngest children of his brother Peter, and Robert Jackson equally. He also directed that the share of his sister Frances should remain in the hands of his brothers Peter, George, Thomas, and Robert Jackson, they paying her therefore £9 yearly; and after her decease, £20 to go to her son, and £40 to her daughter, and the remainder to the children of his brothers Peter, Thomas, and Robert Jackson. Testator's sister, Ellen, to have the profit of her share during life, and after her death, her eldest son to have £10, and each of her two daughters £20, the remainder to be divided among the younger children of Newall. He gave £40 to John Jackson son of his brother-in-law Robert Jackson. He mentions a deceased sister, Elizabeth Lenton. To Susan Waddington, if living at his decease, 5 marks. To the poor of Bradford, 20 marks, to be paid at his funeral. Martha Booth, 5 marks. To Judith Whitehead, his servant, 5 marks. Appointed his brothers Peter, George, Thomas, and Robert Jackson, executors, who proved the will on the 6th July, 1639.

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It is evident that this vicar died a rich man, for the sums he bequeathed represented a large amount at that period.

During the time of Mr. Okell's vicariate, it seems there were two ministers, himself and an under-minister. Okell, like his predecessors, was of the Puritan school, and suffered some irregularities in the services of the church.

JOHN KEMP.

John Kemp, who succeeded Mr. Okell, was the eldest son of Caleb Kemp, the former vicar, and appears to have been a minor at his father's death. He held the vicarage only about a year. By his will, dated 9th May, 1640, (in which he is described as John Kemp, of Bradford, clerk) he gives unto his sister Mary £20; to his uncle, John Lister, and Barbara, his wife, 40s.; to "John Whitley, and my aunt, his wife," 40s.; to his aunt Susan, 208.; to his cousin Joseph Lister, of Horton, 20s.; to Mr. Okell, 20s.; Martha Booth, 10s.; Richard Horner, 40s.; to his father William Cooke, and Thomas Lister, of Shibden Hall, and John Lister, of Overbeare, his cousins, all the residue of his estate. Executorsthe said William Cooke, Thomas Lister, and John Lister. Witnesses to the will-John Lister, Richard Horne, Joseph Lister, and William Brooksbank.-Proved 31st July 1641.

Considerable difficulty arises in ascertaining who were the vicars during the Civil War and Interregnum. At that time, Edward Hudson, who had been presented by the Crown, was the vicar. It does not appear that he had offended the parishioners, but the underminister had, in making the sign of the cross at baptism. There are no data from which it can be gathered when Hudson vacated the living, and whether by death or compulsion.

FRANCIS CORker.

*

On the death of Edward Hudson, clerk, King Charles the first, sold the rectory, as well as the manor of Bradford, to the citizens of London, who disposed of it to the famous Sir Hugh Middleton, and he sold it to Mary, the wife of Sir John Maynard, of Footing, Knight, Keeper of the great Seal to Charles I., who during the Protectorate, was absolute owner of it in the right of his wife. King Charles 1st, previous to doing this had presented one Francis Corker, to the living; probably about the year 1643, when the civil wars were raging in Bradford and the neighbourhood. The Rev. Francis Corker was a royalist, and for this reason seems not to have been accepted by the parishioners in Bradford, or it may have been because he was a Roman Catholic. Hudson, the previous vicar, evidently had an under-minister who had also rendered himself obnoxious to his puritan hearers; for I find by a letter of one Thomas Stockdale, a Yorkshire magistrate, who subsequently represented Knaresborough in Parliament, addressed to Lord Fairfax, at his lodgings, King-street, Westminster; that there was some trouble in our Parish church, respecting the popish rites practised there. The letter is dated 11th March, 1641. (N.S 1642.) and goes on to say-that-" The Protestation is, for the most part, taken through all Yorkshire. God grant that it may be as well observed! I am sure you hear how they challenge the under-minister at Bradford to have violated it, because he useth the sign of the cross at baptism, though it be yet established by the law of the land; but there the people dislike the minister. And lately, the churchwardens have with strong hand kept him out of the reading-pew and pulpit, and will suffer him neither to preach nor pray, but put others to officiate in his place; but of that matter I assure myself you have more particular relation from

Continuation to the History of Bradford, by Mr John James. See page 148.

thence." The Fairfax Correspondence, vol. 1. page 381. This under-minister may or may not have been the Rev. Francis Corker. It is however very probable that it was, for in the correspondence published hereafter, he writes of Bradford as 66 a place verry full and popolous, soe verry factious and seditiory, yet I prevailed with the best part of them (although not the greatest) to hold fast their Allegiance." As Bradford was in the hands of the Parliamentarians, and was then held by the forces of General Fairfax, or those of General Lambert, he must surely have used his influence some time before the town was thus occupied, as it would have been perilous for him to do so when they held the town.

When Mr. James wrote his History of Bradford he did not include Mr. Corker among the list of vicars, as he had not sufficient evidence to warrant his doing this. Since that time however some valuable correspondence has been published by Mr. Francis A, Leyland, the antiquary, of Halifax, which entirely settles the question. original letters are now in his possession, and I take the liberty of reproducing them here, together with the introductory remarks of Mr. Leyland.

The

"In the year 1640 Edward Hudson, clerk, was presented to the living by King Charles the 1st; and, according to the list of the vicars of Bradford given by Whitaker (Loidis p. 359) and James (History of Bradford, p. 209), the next Induction, which was that of Abraham Brooksbank, clerk, A.M., took place in the year, 1667. On these authorities a period of twenty-seven years is made to elapse, during which, no other vicar enjoyed the benefice; and the information hitherto published on the subject has left it to be inferred that Hudson filled the incumbency during this long and changeful period, till within a few months of the presentation of Brooksbank. The following documents, however, now published for the first time, show that Hudson's occupancy of the vicarage was of short duration, and that the sovereign who had presented him to the living provided a successor to him on his death, in the person of the Rev. Francis Corker. This appointment appears to have been made about the year 1643, but we learn incidentally that, owing to the troubles of the times and the hostility of Bradford to the royal cause, his presentation was little more than nominal; for, that, unable to preserve the allegiance of his parishioners to the King, he and the few whom he had been able to influence, being overwhelmed by numbers, were compelled to seek refuge in the King's garrisons, or protection from the royal army in the north.

From other sources we find him afterwards occupied, in conjunction with Pickrin and Hirst, two clergymen, as one of the chaplains to Sir John Ramsden's division, in the garrison at Pontefract, during the prolonged seige of the castle. We learn also that on the garrison being reduced to the last extremity, the vicar was despatched with an escort of sixteen men through the enemy's lines, to join Prince Rupert and to inform the King of the situation of the garrison. He alludes to the circumstance himself, in his appeal for mercy to the governor of the tower, and the service he rendered on the occasion is substantiated by contemporaneous history. We are informed that, in consequence of this order being successfully performed, relief was speedily effected by Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who with a considerable force defeated Lambert, the commander of the assailants, and raised the seige of the castle. After this event, the vicar appears to have followed the varied fortunes of the King, to have acted as a guide and spy, and to have resigned for a season the clerical office for the profession of arms. He, indeed, informs us of the number of battles in which he fought; of his exploits and hairbreadth escapes; his daring adventures and perilous commissions; until, if he had not told us himself that he was a vicar, we should have taken his narrative to be that of a Colonel Morrice or a Captain Flood. After the decisive battle of Marston Moor, the execution of the King, and the prostration of the royal hopes, our vicar turned his thoughts towards Ireland, a country then distinguished for its loyalty to the crown, and one which held out a prospect of security from his enemies and compensation for the loss of his Bradford benefice. The first document is, indeed, a letter on his behalf, written by Charles the Second to the Marquiss of Ormond, Governor-General of Ireland, requesting the promotion of Corker either in the Establishment or the army. After passing through many dangers and trials, and at a period when the cause for which he had so frequently risked his life seemed hopeless, he became, however unwillingly, a supporter and servant of the Commonwealth. This tergiversation on the part of one who had made so many sacrifices for royalty, was regarded at the Restoration as a political offence of no ordinary magnitude, and he was speedily committed to the Tower. While suffering the penalty of his treason, he appealed for deliverance from prison on the strength of his former allegiance; and, it is to a petition written by him on that occasion that we owe the history of his adventures,

and the fact of his vicarial connection with Bradford. We are also informed that his last appeal was more fortunate than one he made on the 22nd March in the same year, to be set free under the Act of Indemnity; and that on his release from prison he returned to his benefice, which he enjoyed till his death in March, 1666."

"HIS SACRED MAJESTIE KING CHARLES THE
SECOND UPON THE BEHALFE OF MR.
FRANCIS CORKER.
CHARLES R.

"Right trustie and right enterely beloved Cozen wee greete you well. This bearer Francis Corker, clerke, havenge been in actuall service for us dureing all the late troubles in our kingdomes and both frequent and faithfull in his performances and good offices thereunto hath for that cause been deprived of his Ecclesiasticall means and for some time suffered in Prison. He is now going for Ireland and wee doe willingly give him these our letters, desiring that you will give him Countenance, and if it may be provide for him either by the way of some Church preferment or Condicion in the Armye wherein you will oblige an honest man and doe us much pleasure.

"And soe wee bidd you very heartily farewell.

"Given at Buxells the sixth daye of July, and in ye first yeare of our raigne; One Thousand sixe hundreth forty nine, 1619. "To our right trustie and right Entirely beloved James Marquess of Ormond our Governor Generall of Ireland.

"Under the Privy Signett."

MR. CORKER TO SR. JOHN ROBINSON, LEIFTENANT OF THE TOWER BEING PRISONER THERE.

Right honourable,-Although I can plead nothing as to my justification yet I suppose a true narrative of my condicion may move compassion in some though it deserve indignation from all. About the beginning of these unhappy times I was presented to the Vicaridge of Bradford in Yorkshire by his late Majestie of blessed Memorie, which as it was a place verry full and populous, soe verry factious and seditiory yet I prevailed with the best part of them (although not the greatest) to hold fast their Allegiance, but at last being overpowered with number both they and I were inforced to betake ourselves to his Majesties Armye and garisons in the

North, wherein how I behaved my selfe I leave to the testimonie of my very Enemies. Yeet being put upon this Necessitye I believe I may compare both my actings and sufferings with the most of my condicion in England. I have been in six or seven severall battles besides many other skirmishes and partyes where I hazarded my selfe freely in his Majesties just quarrell. I tooke severall prisoners for whom were exchanged some considerable Officers belonging to his Majestie, as Colonell Gilby and others. I was sent from Pontefract Castle to Oxford, through the Parliaments Garrisons to procure relief for that place which was happily effected by Sr. Marmaduke Langdale. I was his Majesties chiefest guide in the Northerne Expedition and he would often call for me by the name of his honest guide, he would employe me into his Enemies Armye to discover unto him their strength and posture.

Wherein I soe well pleased him that he would say to me, "Well Corker, if it ever please God to restore me, thou shall be rewarden." And at that present in Newark he commanded his then Secretarie to give me an order for the apprehending any of my Parrishoners in Rebellion and detayn them Prisoners untill they had satisfyed me the profitts of Benefice due to me. I received some wounds in his service the effects whereof I must carry to my grave. I have had two horses killed under me in fight, and how I have requited it let my actions to Cromwells own Major Browne (which is sufficently known) and others testify for me. And that I intended well for his present Majestie lett this one action beare witness, I with two moore in my Company (one whereof is now in this Towne) when his Majestie came with his Scottish Armye to Worcester, that we might hinder the then present power of all intelligence, adventured to seize the post packett within ten miles of London, not without great danger, and if one private post had not accidentally passed us they in London could not have had any intelligence for some days.

My sufferings have not been ordinary, for besides the losse of my Benefice since the beginning of the warr, my house hath been three, times plundered and all that I had takenf rom me. I was taken prisoner at Gainsbrough in Lincolnshire and sent to Lincoln gaole, from whence Lambert Commander then in Chiefe before Pontefract Castle sent a partye of horse for me to execute me upon the same Gybbett with Mr. Beaumont but I unhappily made my escape the night before, I say unhappilie because if it had not soe faln out I had died in a

good cause and with a better conscience. I from thence went into Holland, where when I had spent that little stock I had in the space of two yeares, I went with some others into the Isle of Sillye where I had subsistence one whole yeare under the honourable Sr. John Greenvile. From thence I went to sea and was there again taken by Deane and sent prisoner to Winchester Gaole where not darring to send by my own name to any friends I endured so hard an imprisonment for one whole yeare that I thought a bellye full of bread the greatest happiness in this world. From thence alsoe I made my escape and setled in Sussex where I was not knowne, to teach a poore schoole.

Thus farr I kept my loyaltie and integritye perfect, but now begins my fearfull apostacye. About three years agoe comeing to London I was taken prisoner there the third time by one Jodd a soldier and a messenger of Cromwells, and immediately carried before Thurloe who at first deeply threatned me, objecting to me many of my actions in his Majesties service and escapes, but at last came upon me with a promisse of securitye and reward if I would serve the present power, as I had done their enemies, to which through his cunning artifices and my own fears I unhappily and ungraciously condescended whereupon he appointed one Mr. Moreland (who is now my accuser) to conveigh to him my intelligence, who very well knowes that he and I did often agree that wee would never have an band in any mans blood. And that this is really true may appeare by these two instances. I was taken prisoner by an order from Calonell Goffe (he, not knowing what securitye I had) and itt happened at the same time that Charles Davison (who then was newly escaped from Whitehall and in real danger) was in bedd with me, yet I found means to procure his escape, and conveyed alsoe fower score poundes in gold from Mr. Berwick afterwards to him to help him awaye. Soe alsoe some two nights before Dr. Hewitts tryall Thurloe sent for me to know what partickuler testimonye I could give agaynst him. I answered him I had noe great acquaintance with him neither did I heare anything of him moore than his generall affection to the Kinges interest, that I had not been above twice or thrice in his companye, and nott at all above six moneths before, whereupon he turned from me in a furye and told me he would hereafter look upon me as one that still retayned my old principles. I believe Mr. Moreland can speake to both of these.

I never betrayed above 5 persons (whereas (I might have betrayed five hundred all this

time) three were rather by accident than will, and a fowerth I got off again myself pretending that if he were at Libertye I could gain much intelligence by him. And this I did alsoe for some other eminent persons whose faces I never saw, nor ever desired to see, for I purposly waved my acquaintance with the Cavalier partye that hearing little I could not be tempted to reveal much.

Severall somes of money were conveyed through my hands for the Kinges business as alsoe fower severall commissions sent by me into Shropshire none of which I ever betrayed or revealed.

I heare I am accused for a conference with Mr. Stapeley, the trueth is I could not say much for our discourse was not much. I told Thurloe that I beleived the the Kinge would not trust him, for which I gave him two reasons both which I hinted to Mr. Stapeley at our Conference, and Mr. Stapeley may very wel remember that after yt, he came clerely off and soe noe doubt would have continued if there had not been some stronger informacions from other hands, for I never saw him after that time.

I

God Almightye knowes, and Mr. Moreland can partly testify with what remorse and regrett I acted my part in this sad tragedie. I after desired of Mr. Moreland often to be dismissed and suffered to live quietly in any corner but he alwaies told me that it was very dangerous to incense those that were in soe great power. confesse sometimes I had strange and desperate thoughts deviseing with my selfe which way I might redeem my great guilte, and when I heard of Mr. Gardiners plott against Cromwells person I was so far from revealing it that I wished rather to joyne with him, and notwithstanding the best art I could use I never cold be once admitted to see the Protectors face. I received not much money part whereof I freely gave and lent to those Cavaliers who were in distresse and captivitye.

This is my true and sadd case and it is much the sadder because I have none to pitty me. Those of the Kinges enemies against whom I acted so violentlye at first are gladd of my ruine, and all his friends whom I have so unworthily injured cannot but justly desire itt. Soe that I have no hope but in the Mercie of his Majestie that he may looke with an eye of justice upon his fathers enemies, soe he will looke with an eye of compassion upon his faithfull servants of which number I was dureing his whole life as I can make it appear by many par

tickulers and singular expressions. But if Almighty God have disposed otherwise, then I have nothinge left me to doe but to wash away my guilt with my teares and blood. All which I doe most humbly make bold to tender unto your Honor beseeching you would be pleased to take notice hereof, and impart the same unto his most sacred MaJestie prayeing daily for his most happy reigne and future prosperity, and alsoe for your honor being alwaies ready to submitt to what shall be further inflicted upon and enjoyned me, remaines

Your honors most afflicted and disconsolate Beadsman

FRAN. CORKER. From the Tower 10th of June 1660. To the honourable Sir John Robinson Knt and Barrt

Leiftenant of ye Tower of London."

Sir John Maynard being then in the service of the King, Charles 1st, was of course a royalist. He attempted on several occasions to present to the vicarage of Bradford, to collect the tithes, and settle the differences which for so many years troubled the inhabitants of Bradford. His agent here was Mr. John Sharp, of Little Horton, the Parliamentarian, who was receiver of the rents of the glebe lands and tithes. Mr. James, in his Continuation to the History of Bradford, says "It appears from the Sharp's MS.S., that in January, 1649, there were some law proceedings respecting them. Portions of the correspondence between Sir John and his Lady and Mr. Sharp, reveal many particulars respecting Bradford." The reader of the preceeding pages will understand why this was the case, and also that the rectory was in the possession of Sir Richard Tempest in 1607, having been aforetime leased to Dame Tempest at the rent of £50 a year. The following is the correspondence referred to, and given by Mr. James:

From Sir John Maynard to Mr. Sharp, dated 13th August, 1649:

He observes that the tenants (of glebe lands) complain that they had hard bargains from Sir Richard Tempest, but that he (Sir John) had offers to take the reversion, and that hay and corn were twice as dear as when Sir Richard let the land. He then states that land has been ploughed up without his leave, and proceeds :- "I am no stranger to Bradford, and know that land is dearer there than where I live, by reason of your trading, which causes the place to be populous. Those that refuse to pay tithe must be sued. For Bowling, there is no

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