tral or via-media ground could the great constitutional party consent to enter. The only question is, whether the whigs have not already so far become conservative as to render the remaining steps in their conversion comparatively easy. We incline to think that this is the case. old age, he may naturally feel an indisposition to hazard any more experiments like that of 1834-5. Although he, doubtless, will do all that his country, and the great party which he leads, may fairly call upon him to undertake, there can be little doubt that his disposition must be, only to take office with a prospect of a comfortable continuance in it. The If we examine into the matters in dispute for these remarkable union, in his case, of great talents with six or seven years past, we shall find that by far the great possessions, makes him, innately and neces-greater proportion of them are already disposed of. sarily, a person of so much importance in the country, The Irish Tithe question is adjusted, on the Conthat the mere possession of office-which to such servative principle; the Irish Corporation Bill people as my Lords Palmerston and Normanby is has passed, just in that state in which the lords were every thing is to him scarcely a matter worthy of ready to pass it two years since. Nothing remains, much consideration. It would lay upon him a save the Irish Registration Bill; and here, too, weight, both of duty and responsibility; while it the ground of difference is actually nothing,—the would offer scarcely any commensurate advantages, | law-officers of the crown having already, more than as compared with his present position. once, framed and brought into parliament a similar measure, parallel, in all its chief provisions, with Lord Stanley's bill. Now, in once more accepting office, at the present moment, Sir Robert Peel would probably discern some points of difficulty. Among these we do not agree with the "liberal" journals in assigning a high place to the state of Ireland. Plenty of loud talking, doubtless, he would have to endure, from the patriots of that orator-bestridden country. But, remembering the peculiar knack which such people always exhibit, of finding out what is likely to be most conducive to their own interest, we have no very serious apprehensions for the tranquillity of Ireland. In other directions, however, we seem to discern the tokens of at least possible inconvenience. Our foreign secretaryship is so remarkably conducted, as to be always leading us to the very brink of a war; and we may expect, some day or other, to find our selves entangled in a controversy, which neither whig or tory could find the way to extricate us from. It would be just before the outbreak of such an affair as this, that Lord Palmerston would be most likely to run away. Another circumstance necessarily leading to some disagreeable reflections, is that of the personal intimacy which Lord Melbourne has contrived to establish between himself and the young queen. Entirely to terminate this intimacy might again bring on Sir Robert Peel the charge of being arbitrary and unfeeling in his demands. And yet, if this were not done, would not the new premier be in the most extraordinary position that ever man held; in possessing, nominally, the powers of the government, and yet beholding his rival enjoying an intercourse with the sovereign, necessarily more intimate than any which he could hope to be admitted to. Would the survivorship of Lord Palmerston's diplomatic blunders, with all their consequences, be so desirable an acquisition, as to be worth encountering, with the certainty that every step was watched, every opening waited for, in the hope that the moment of an ebb-tide might be seized; and another lease of whig government be granted? The only plan that seems to obviate these dangers, is that of such an union as should form a government too strong for any reaction to render weak; and, at the same time, standing so well with the court, as to have nothing to fear from backstairs intrigue. Having themselves seen the expediency and necessity of some such measure, what can be more simple and easy than for the ministry to initiate, at the very commencement of the next session, an honest plan of this kind, and to pledge themselves to use all their efforts to pass it during the sess on? The only awkwardness of such a proceeding is, that it involves another most important step-the coming to a breach with Daniel O'Connell. The Irish agitator has abundantly shown, both in the last and in former sessions, that he is not at all inclined to concede this point. A just and honest Registration bill must necessarily cripple his power and influence, which has always rested on the basis of fraud and perjury, on the part of the peasants, and a prostituted absolution on the part of the priests. To make him submit patiently to the amputation of so many joints of his tail, is really more than we ought to expect. The government, then, purposing to do what is right in the matter of Irish registration, must at the same time contemplate a positive feud with O'Connell and his "tail." But this, politically (and not morally) speaking, would be suicide. To hazard the downright animosity of a party of thirty or forty Irish members,-the conservative opposition remained firm in their ranks, is, obviously enough, to incur certain destruction. Such, in fact, was the prospect before the ministry in May last; and in this view it was that they fought the battle of O'Connell, even at the cost of much self-reproach, and great upbraidings from their friends. But will they again enter upon the same unjustifiable and clearly unsafe course? They found, last session, that the advocacy of positive wrong sorely crippled and weakened their power; that one friend deserted them on this day, another on that; while scores were only kept in their ranks by the most earnest supplications. Will they renew the scenes of July 1840? One would think it scarcely possible for men to act so infatuated a part. But if their cooler judgment condemn this course, and they decide to retrace their steps, and to take the side of honesty and uprightness, then they have the certain prospect of O'Connell's wrath; and will they brave this without a previous good understanding with the conservatives? The great difficulty would be, to fix upon some basis which should not cover both parties with infamy. An essential point, consequently, must be, Let us suppose, however, that it was mutually that the basis should be conservative. On no neu-agreed that justice should be done in this matter; and then we may ask, without much probability of a not aware that, beyond a few of their leaders, they reply, What is there before us on which the two have any such vehement attachment to particular great parties can come into collision? Irish Tithes, persons, as to render them inimical to any particular Irish Corporations, English Schools, Irish Registra- list of names. So that the administration formed tion, all being now arranged and laid by, where is was distinctly understood to be a conservative one, the topic on which a serious difference can arise, and we should not calculate on their wrath being greatly on which a party struggle can take place? We excited, by any particular mixture of names. own that we can discern none. But if this be the only men personally unpopular on either side, that case, what can be more obvious than the tempta- we are aware of, are my Lords Normanby and Paltion that will exist, on both sides of the house, to merston, on the whig side of the house, and Ellenlay down their arms, and form one united adminis- borough on our own. tration. Such an administration would, of course, excite and meet with the fiercest wrath of the whole radical, chartist, and O'Connell party. These would probably rally a body of about 150 members of the lower house; who would form themselves into a radical opposition. There would be nothing fearful, startling, or unwholesome in this. There being a considerable radical or democratic party in the country, it would be but right, and rather desirable than otherwise, that that party should have its representatives and its voice in parliament. The From the Christian Observer-for September. VIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS. The queen's speech, at the closing of the session of parliament, was as bare of novel intelligence as such documents usually are; but we will notice the chief topics referred to in it. We forget what minister it was, who, in reply to the remark that his cabinet had put nothing into the king's speech, said, "We The new government would be essentially con- did our best endeavour to that effect;" but perhaps servative. It would consist, for the largest part, of under all the circumstances, especially where a men who have for years borne that name and fought young queen is the speaker, a common-place string under that banner. It would also embrace the second of sentences, provoking no party feeling, and leaving great party in parliament,-the men who have ever to the executive government the task of communiadvocated reform, a safe and cautious reform; but cating information and assigning reasons, is more who do not fancy continual change; who do not appropriate than an elaborately reasoned ex-parte wish that the medicine of the commonwealth document, like the messages of the United States should be made its daily bread." These would be presidents. The sovereign thus escapes the direct willing to admit that all the great changes which affiliation of many mistakes, and is less exposed to they used to think desirable, both in the state and in the appearance of going with a party. the church, had been, within the last ten years, accomplished; and all they would now require, would be an assurance that such further and minor modifications as time should indicate, should be readily and promptly conceded-a pledge which no reasonable conservative could desire to withhold. 66 The following are the heads of the document. Her majesty continues to receive from foreign powers assurances of their friendly disposition, and of their anxious desire for the maintenance of peace. The civil war having ceased in Spain, her majesty is negotiating with a view to the withdrawment of We have here, then, selected the outline of a great the naval force, which, in pursuance of the quadruple change in our external politics, We have done so engagements of 1834, this country has so long stawithout being at all "in the secret," or consulting tioned on the northern coast of that kingdom. The any one's tastes or views but our own. We know differences with Naples have been put into a train of not that any such scheme is yet in agitation; on the adjustment by the friendly mediation of the king of contrary, we admit that cautious politicians would the French. Portugal has arranged to pay "certain not be likely to open a question in September which just claims" of British subjects, and a sum due to needs not to be decided till the February after. We England under the convention of 1827. Her majesty have argued, therefore, merely on a surface view of is engaged with Austria, Prussia, Russia, and Turkey the case. Circumstances which are equally open to "in measures intended to effect the permanent paall the world, and on which every reader may cification of the Levant, to maintain the integrity easily form his own opinion, seem to point out the and independence of the Ottoman empire, and therecourse we have described, as the most natural for by to afford additional security for the peace of Euthings to take, having once been brought into their rope." These are the European topics. The only present position. other foreign notice is the following respecting China. "The violent injuries inflicted upon some of my subjects by the officers of the Emperor of China, and the indignities offered to an agent of my crown, have compelled me to send to the coast of China a naval and military force for the purpose of demanding reparation and redress." Opposed to these expectations, however, are, 1st, "the Chapter of Accidents," as men call it; meaning thereby, such unforeseen events as often turn up, and derange the wisest plans and calculations; 2d, the popular hatred of "Coalitions." This last we desire not to lessen. In so far as it chiefly rests upon and expresses a dislike of compromises of All these statements, except the last, breathe of principle, we entirely approve of, and concur in it. uninterrupted peace; and yet we hear of urgent deBut let it be observed, that the only coalition we mands for soldiers, and sailors, and ships of war; have spoken of, as even possible, is a coalition to and her majesty is constrained to lament the necesform a conservative government. This, we believe, sity of additional burdens being imposed upon her might be effected without deserving or receiving any people. Surely there is something discrepant in very vehement opposition from the people. We are these representations. With regard to Spain, and 383 loose. We hope, therefore, and believe, that there are sufficient barriers on all sides to prevent a petulant outbreak of war; but we think her majesty was not well advised in speaking of the quadruple treaty as aiding this object. England, not China, was the aggressor; our Indian The allusion to China is still more unsatisfactory. authorities caused opium to be cultivated for the Chinese market; and British merchants smuggled it into the country; all the parties concerned knowing it to be a contraband article. No European power would have tolerated such proceedings; and why should China? We can only pray that it may please God to bring good out of evil; and to render the pending hostile proceedings a means of opening that sealed country to useful knowledge and Christian intercourse; though, alas, the abused name of Christian has been identified with cupidity and fraud, and rendered suspected and hateful. Portugal also, let us hope that England, having happily escaped becoming a direct belligerent, will in future leave them to settle their own intestine strifes, with only such interference from us as good neighbourhood and Christian duty may prompt; but unconnected with any guarantee for military or naval aid. We have no right morally, and it is not our wisdom nationally, to make ourselves parties in all the squabbles of Europe. But we wish we could say that we see no dark clouds arising out of the Levant, which may extend nearer home, notwithstanding her majesty's intended "pacification," and her hope of thereby affording "additional security for the peace of Europe." How security for peace should arise from a complicated arrangement compounded of the most inflammatory elements of strife, has puzzled all men but her majesty's ministers to comprehend. Russia had long wished to be mistress of Turkey, the empire of which its vassal the Pasha of Egypt had rent asunder by his successful rebellion, first making Egypt de facto independent, and then conquering Syria. The policy of France favours the pasha; England unites with Russia, Austria, and Prussia, to curb him; but the interests of all the parties differ;-thus England wishes to was advised to express to parliament her confident The Levant treaty, respecting which her Majesty see Turkey strong, as a check against Russian am- hope that it will secure tranquillity to three contibition in the east; but Russia only wishes to see it nents, has exploded like a bomb-shell amidst inflamstrong as against Egypt for its own selfish ends: mable materials. The Pasha of Egypt refuses to and France finds its pride wounded and its schemes comply with the terms propounded to him, namely, thwarted by an arrangement to which it refuses to the possession in perpetuity of Egypt, which he be a party. England, therefore, and her three allies, wrested from the hands of his master, with the govof which the most powerful, Russia, is altogether ernment for life of the southern portion of Syria, from opposed to her general policy, have to achieve the the sea of Tiberias to the Red Sea; the latter howtask of appeasing angry France, and subduing the ever being conditional upon his accepting the profferindignant and resolute Pasha of Egypt, and wheed-ed terms within ten days. Considering that he is a ling or frightening him, if they can, into the relin- rebel, and holds all he possesses by usurpation, he quishment of Syria; while England has to see that would have no hard bargain in the peaceable herediin the general confusion Russia does not find means tary sovereignty of Egypt, which is in a position for to establish her influence in Turkey. We trust that again becoming, under wise management, a powerful in the mercy of the providence of God, the misunder- and flourishing state. He however declines the overstanding between France and England will be ami- ture, but expresses himself willing to accept Egypt cably adjusted, and that our jealous neighbour will for ever, with the government of Syria for life. The feel it her policy (we would not rely too much upon ten days allowed for his compliance with the Sybilher abstract good-will) not to encourage the pasha to line proposition having expired, he has forfeited the stir up a general war, which would be a severe viceroyship of South Syria; and should he continue affliction to Europe, Africa, and Asia, and the ulti-refractory, even the offer of Egypt lapses. In the mate issues of which no man can predict; nor, upon the whole, do we for one moment doubt that some mode of "pacification" will be discovered and agreed upon; for it were insane either for England or France to rush to warfare. Their respective journalists, and men of talk, may indulge in inflammatory declamations; but the statesmen, and men of business on either side, and all Christians and lovers of mankind, must deprecate such an issue. Besides the higher question of humanity and the horrors of bloodshed, war would be to England, as a commercial nation, and not particularly prepared at this moment for warlike operations, a fearful calamity; and still more so to France in her unsettled condition, and with several competitors for her throne; for though the wild and ill-contrived attempts of Prince Louis Napoleon to effect a new revolution in favour of the Buonaparte family have strengthened rather than weakened the reigning dynasty, yet Bourbonism, Napoleonism, and republicanism, are not extinct, and dreadful would be the struggle for mastery if the elements of confusion were once let mean time the English fleet is blockading his ports, and seizing vessels and munitions of war in Syria. Unless France should very seriously take up the question, and make it her own, at the awful risk of a wide-spread European, Asiatic, and African war, it does not seem likely that England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia will so far recede from their ultimatum as to advise the Ottoman Porte to yield the government of all Syria to Ali Pasha for life; by which concession he might be able to take such measures that it would not be easily recoverable after his death, should his successor determine to retain it. It is possible, however, seeing the enormous evils which must accrue to all parties from active hostilities, that France may yield to policy, and be allowed to soothe her wounded pride, by recommending to the pasha to accept some modified proposition, which the Allied Powers shall have pre-arranged to concede at her instance. It is incredible that any European nation should have seriously made up its mind for war. France, with her inflammable population and her disputed dynasties; with Bonapartism and Bourbonism Her Majesty observed in her speech, at the close of the late session, I have every reason to expect cordial assistance from the Assembly of Jamaica in the salutary work of improving the condition and elevating the character of the inhabitants of that colony. The conduct of the emancipated negroes throughout the West Indies has been remarkable for tranquil obedience to the law, and a peaceable demeanour in all the relations of social life." To us who from the first espoused the cause of emancipation, and endeavoured to counteract the alarming forebodings by which interested men worked upon the minds of the ignorant and the timid, her majesty's declaration respecting the good conduct of the emancipated population-though it is only what we expected-is very consolatory. As to the recent panic, that we shall have no sugar, for that the emancipated people will not work, we always frankly stated our conviction that free men never would, or ought to toil as the slaves were made to do under the lash; but they are quite willing to work to any reasonable extent for due wages; and much of the deficiency complained of, arises from the gratifying circumstance that the women, instead of toiling at servile labour in the fields, now employ themselves in their cottages in discharging the duties of wives and mothers, having become more civilised, and in very numerous instances Christianised also. There must of necessity be some temporary diminution of produce; the labourers being no longer willing to be regarded merely as ploughs and horses; but in proportion as agricultural implements and improved modes of culture are introduced, the pressure will be relieved; and even were it otherwise, sugar, in ample abundance, might speedily be procured from India and elsewhere, without any pretext for reverting to slavery, or encouraging the produce of those countries in which it is still tolerated. adversely pressing on her right and left flank, repub-in most of her wars ever since; and a fine bill it licanism menacing her in the rear, and with nothing would be, if pride or passion, instead of calm counin her centre but the feebleness of a newly-founded sels, are to prescribe the dance. Let us be duly prethrone, which the same voluble power that erected pared to resist violence; but let us beware of lightly it could easily overturn, can ill afford to bring on a kindling destructive conflagrations. shock, either of arms or opinions, which would probably end abroad in loss and disgrace, froin enslaved Algiers to slave-holding Martinique; and at home in renewed contentions, perhaps terminating as before in bloodshed, revolution, anarchy, and restored despotism. Nor would Austria, Prussia, or Russia, with their indelible recollections of the great European war, with wounds scarcely healed and ever ready to re-open, be well advised in engendering strifes, amidst the tumult of which the smouldering elements of discontent and rebellion would burst into a flame; "young Germany" coalescing with young Prussia and young Russia; universities fraternising with serfs; and the carbonari of Italy with the liberators of Poland; till all Europe became one field of blood; for, as Mr. Canning said long ago, the next European war will be a war of opinions; and even a more casual spark than a quarrel about the affairs of the Levant might serve to kindle it. Nor would it suit England, with her enormous debt, her vast cominercial interests, her trembling balance of parties, and with China and all the East upon her hands, under perilous circumstances, to manage as best she may; to say nothing of the inadequacy of her peace establishments, for any vast and sudden emergency, offensive or defensive; to expend much blood and treasure, and to risk more, for the sake of adjusting the affairs of Turkey. And what have we so specially to do with the question, that we must hazard plunging ourselves in war to settle it? True, we are on the right side, and the French on the wrong, as between the Porte and its rebel subject; and our Oriental interests make it our policy to preserve the independence of the Ottoman empire. But in the present attempt to do so, the probabilities are quite as much against us as for us; nor are any wars so senseless in their object, or so uncertain in their issue, as those which are undertaken to preserve what is called "the balance of power." That balance is always fluctuating; nor can human wisdom, strength, or foresight prevent it. In whatever way the Sultan of Turkey and his vassal might compound their difference, the loss and injury to England would probably be far less than that which must ensue if she should be drawn into an extensive war. We trust this will not be the case; nor do we believe that it will; for, as we have said, it is the interest of the parties concerned to maintain peace among themselves; but why must England be for ever meddling? What have we to do with blockading the Levant, and fighting to support the Sultan of Turkey? We would remind those of our countrymen who are anxious to interfere in neighbours' quarrels, of a story merrily told by the reformer and martyr Tyndal, in Practice of [popish] Prelates." He says: The Frenchmen (as the old saying is) of late days made a play, or a disguising (masquerade) at Paris, in which the emperor danced with the pope and the French king, and wearied them, the king of England sitting on a high bench and looking on." And when it was asked why he danced not, it was answered, that he sat there but to pay the minstrels their wages." England has continued to "pay the piper" his 66 From the United Service Journal. Suggested by Haydon's Picture of the Duke of Wellington and his Horse, Copenhagen, on the Field of Wa erloo twenty years after the Battle, painted for St. George's Hall, Liverpool, and now engraved by Lupton. BY WILLIAM WORDSWORTH. Through Art's bold privilege, Warrior and War-horse On ground yet strewn with their last battle's wreck. From the Edinburgh Review, The French Revolution. A History. By THOMAS CARLYLE. Second Edition. 3 vols. 8vo. London: 1839. admirers. For our own part, our dislike to his bastard English is unconquered and unconquerable; and this, together with the endless scraps of Schiller, and Goethe, and Richter, which are interwoven (without the trouble of any thing deserving the name of a translation) in his composition-the constant repetition of the same figures and the same Few writers of the present time have risen more jokes-the constant harping upon the same monotorapidly into popularity than Mr. Carlyle, after labour-nous strain of thought-have made the task of going ing through so long a period of comparative neglect. honestly through these three volumes rather a heavy Whatever judgment critics may be pleased to pass one;-notwithstanding all the interest of detached on him, it is certain that his works have attracted of scenes, and the vigour of thought and barbarian elolate no common share of attention. His little school quence of language which often characterise the of sectaries has expanded into a tolerably wide circle accompanying reflections. Indeed, we suspect that of admirers. His eccentricity of style has become his firmest adherents are apt rather to dip into him the parent of still greater eccentricities in others, than peruse him; he writes for the desultory readers with less genius to recommend them; and his man- and thinkers of the day; and has served his apprennerism has already infected, to a certain extent, the ticeship, and acquired his peculiarities, in the school fugitive literature of the day. Clever young writers of journal and essay writing. And this is one among delight in affecting his tone of quaint irony, and several reasons which cause us to prefer, as a matter indulgent superiority; and many a scribe, whose of taste, the biographical sketches which are scatthoughts have about as much originality as the tered through his recently published Miscellanies, to almanac for the year, fancies that he gives them an these continuous volumes. But though they are air of novelty and impressiveness by clothing them in a barbarous garb, for the fashion of which their prototype must hold himself to a certain extent responsible. written rather in a fragmentary style, and made up of detached scenes and points, after the fashion into which writers so educated naturally fall; yet there is a sort of dramatic unity of purpose running through the whole, and so peculiar as amply to repay investigation. It must be said, in justice to Mr. Carlyle, that this unusual success has been bravely achieved by dint of personal energy and merit, and against a host of There is one mode of discussing the French Revodifficulties. Self-educated, we believe, and nurtured lution which is very satisfactory from its simplicity, on the very quintessence of German transcenden- and from the little trouble of thought and discriminatalism, with little of the ordinary British discipline to tion which it gives to the historian adopting it. It is counteract it, he could only clothe his own thoughts by applying to the consideration of it the ordinary in the same uncouth foreign livery in which the pa- rules of morality, as they are inculcated in national rent thoughts had been clothed when first his mind schools, and declared in assize sermons, and judicial received and appropriated them. He seemed a soli- charges. Resistance to established authority is a tary or rare example of one who, in his native coun- crime-interfering with our neighbour's property a try, had unlearned his native language; and was as crime-taking his life a crime. Consequently, the much a stranger among us as Jean Paul or Ludwig whole French Revolution was a great crime; all Tieck might have been, if suddenly transferred from who engaged in it were criminals-some more, untheir own metaphysical cloud-land to our matter-of-doubtedly, and some less; and according as the infact atmosphere. His difficulty of expressing his dividual writer is more or less atrabilious in his meaning otherwise was palpable and natural; that temperament, he will be more profuse in excuses for he was altogether free from affectation, we cannot, the weaker sinner, or in denunciations of the stronger. in conscience, believe but the manner had grown But that which points the moral of his narrative, and very closely to the substance. Accordingly, there gives at the same time zest to his labours, is the were numbers of readers to whom, for a long time, tracing out the action of the presiding Nemesis of neither wit, nor sense, nor philosophy, could make that great drama;—the retribution, national and prihis lucubrations even tolerable-who were forced to vate, which visited each separate sin on the people throw them aside almost unattempted, with a pettish at large, and which followed each individual actor si non vis intelligi. That many have greatly alter- into the very recesses of his own home or heart. ed both their estimate of, and feeling towards him, This is what may be called the orthodox method of we attribute partly to the gradual change in himself; for extended French and English reading have made a different writer of him; and though still dark and rugged enough at times, he is "day-light and champaign" compared with his former self. But the principal cause is, that he has forced himself, style and all, on public attention. His peculiar vein of philosophy, his mode of judging of things and men with an earnest irony, his tone of thought, sometimes original and always independent, have compelled even those whom his oddities of manner most repulsed to tolerate him; while, to many, they have made the oddities themselves palatable: so that, at the present day, we doubt whether it is the matter or the manner which tells most on his followers and MUSEUM.-Dec. 1840. writing the history of the French Revolution; it was once exclusively popular in England, and is still not without followers; but, notwithstanding its obvious completeness and rotundity, it does not seem altogether to satisfy the present generation of inquirers. Another theory, which has also met with no small success, was that which dealt wholly in abstractions arranged royalty, feudalism, democracy, and soforth, in well-balanced antitheses-and elevated the nature and importance of the final cause of those events, until the moral character of separate acts and actors sank into insignificance. That final cause, in the view of such writers, was the regeneration of France. All who co-operated in that work must 49 |