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sides, and if the theory of government were fully realized in practice, they too would control its energies. Looking to an enlightened populace, there is nothing fearful in the thought that they are, theoretically speaking, our legitimate and acknowledged governors. But the mind recoils with horror from the idea of submitting the most precious interests of society to the suffrages of an ignorant majority. We do not intend to say that a majority of our population are absolutely ignorant; for we do not so believe; on the contrary, we are sure that compared with the mass of any other nation now existing, they must be pronounced enlightened. But knowledge and ignorance are relative terms; and speaking with reference to that state to which well directed efforts might speedily advance them, they are emphatically ignorant, This is not their fault, but the inevitable consequence of their present condition. Indi vidually their means and resources are scanty, but by union & concentration they might & would become ample. And when compared with the powers they might wield-& would wield, if a political convulsion should disjoin them from the salutary influence of the enlightened minority-with the largest measure of wisdom and ability that a demagogue, in the impudence of his flattery, would dare to ascribe to them, the question of their improvement at once assumes a magnitude, which we know not how to describe. For such a crisis, however remote it may appear, it is the part of wisdom to be prepared. We have the experience of all history against the ultimate success of our great political experiment; warning us, that if we would avoid those dangers which no free government has yet survived, it will be by taking such precautions as none ever yet has taken. Let us listen reverently to this monitory voice, by taking the best of all precautions, by diffusing intelligence far and wide among the pcople."

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And here we might just observe that all that is necessary to accomplish this mighty, this momentous reformation is to turn the energies of the people to this most interesting point.



But it is truly lamentable to observe the never-ceasing exertions of aristocracy in our land of liberty, to sap the foundation of all our Republican institutions, under different names and modifications. And if it was not for the freedom of the Press, they would have accomplished their fell designs long ago.Men are the same in all ages and in all places. The wholesome restraint of our happy constitution makes the difference. Our theory is right, but our practice in almost every thing is very far from being right. policy never should be substituted for the unchangable word justice, in our legislative halls or courts of law. Policy and expediency have covered over the darkest deeds & blackest crimes, that have ever disgraced human nature. No doubt, the faction, that unhappily governs the state of Georgia, would excuse their unjust, arbitrary and wicked conduct towards the Cherokee Indians, by the words policy or ex. pediency- And what shall we say of the conduct of the most dignified body of legislators on the face of the earth. The United States Senate, respecting these same Indians, in their late decision, making void the most solemn treaties, by a vote of 28 to 19. The eyes of the whole American people were with honest pride turned to our national government, in this instance of cruel aristocratic oppression, of the strong over the weak and helpless; the eyes of the whole civilized world, are upon our national Senate. And posterity, yes, millions yet unborn, will read this decision with deep interest and deep regret. This wonderful decision will make the heart of every honest man and woman in America, ache! Every friend to liberty; to justice and truth, will uaturally ask the question: would our senate violate a solemn treaty with Eng land, France or Russia, in this manner? The minority in the senate, should enter their solemn protest against this unparralleled outrage, on the Journals of the House ;to show to the world, that the good faith of the nation, has not been compromitted by the whole body of the Senate.

The following remarks on the Senate of the United States, are from the Washington City Chronicle.

"The decision of this body, in relation to the treaties existing between the United States and the Cherokee Indians, will not escape the deserved reprobation of the public. This nation will not submit in silence to a decision by which its faith aud honor are to be wrecked-it will not fold its arms and slumber or smile over an act that must inevitably cover it with shame and disgrace. The Senate have refused to recognize the binding force of our treaties with the Cherokees; they have denied the obligatory character of these solemn compacts; they have treated with levity and contempt, those bonds in which the probity and faith of this nation have been sacredly pledged. There are no treaties between the United States, and any foreign powers upon earth couched in terms so explict and so incapable of misrepresentation, as those which have been enter ed into with the Cherokees. These treaties have been ratified by every Chief Magistrate, Cabinet and Senate, from the administration of Gen. Washington to the present time. Those whom we most venerate among the dead, and honor among the living, have given their solemn sanction to those treaties, and if it be possible for a nation to be bound by all that is sacred in plighted faith and veracity, then we are responsible for the fulfilment of these treaties. And yet, notwithstanding these obligations, and in the face of all the remonstrances that have accumulated on their tables, from a thousand sources, the Senate have taken a step that will, unless arrested, annihilate the political existence of the Chrokees. This is an act of treachery that calls for the indignant denounciation of every honest and honorable heart. This nation, if true to itself, and the naked claims of justice, will pour its unmingled and unmeasured abhorence upon this unprovoked destruction of our national faith.

"It is now out of the power of the Senate to repair the deep injury which they have inflicted upon the honor of this country, Il

it is beyond their reach to wipe off the stigma which they have cast upon our character for common honesty. But what have they done for the Cherokees in consequence of having violated their express engagements? They have threatened them with an immediate destruction of their just rights, if they remain where they are, but if in case the see fit to remove beyond the inhabited parts of the Union, they will treat with them then. Treat with them then! Yes, in the very same breath in which they declare they will not perform the treaties which they have already made, they offer them, upon conditions degrading even ¿to savages, more treaties! There is a presumption and impudence in this new proffer, quite as intolerable as the faithless conduct which preceeded it. No person of common sense will listen for a moment to the declaration of that man, who violates one promise that he may have an opportunity of making another 'more in accordance with his interests. And the Senate have it not in their power, after what has passed, to secure the confidence of the Cherokees. They may talk of new treaties forever, but unless they can expunge from the breast of the Cherokee his memory, they will never regain his confidence. But this loss of character for faith and honesty, is the mildest feature in the retribution that awaits us. We may forfeit with unconcern the respect of a community or nation, and smile over the ill gotten gains of our perfidy, but there is a witness above us, Whose eye never slumbers, and from whose hand the guilty cannot escape. Soon or late, the oppressor will lie lower than the helpless being upon whom he has trampled."

It is no matter what aristocratic sophistry may say to involve this question in a labyrinth of intricacies, and technicalities, to the common sense of mankind, it is a plain case, and has no parallel, but in the case of Naboth's vineyard, in the 1st book of Kings, twenty-first chapter, where there is such a striking similarity of the case-that it will arrest the attention of the most superficial reader. I carnstly recommend the perusal of this chapter, to every lover of ancient history. No doubt

atall, but Jezebel would call it good policy, and altogethe pedient; to write letters in the king's name, to the aristo of Samaria, to proclaim a fast, and set Naboth up on high among the people; and procure false witnesses, to accuse the poor man of blaspheming God, and the king, and then stone him to death, and confiscate his little patrimony; but let us fear and tremble at the righteous judgment of Heaven, upon the, perpetrators of this horrible transaction. A brief view of the present relations between the government and people of the United States, and the Indians within our national limits; written by a very able pen, and published in the Christian Herald, January 16, 1830, ought to set the question for ever at rest.


"In the various discusssions which have attracted public at tention, within a few months past, several important positions on the subject of the rights and claims of the Indians have been clearly and firmly established. At least, this is con sidered to be the case by a large portion of the reflecting and intelligent part of the community. Among the positions thus established, are the following for the sake of precision and easy reference, are set down in regular order.

1. The American Indians, now living on lands derived from their ancestors, aud never alienated nor surrendered have a perfect right to the continual possesssion of those lands.

2. Those Indian tribes and nations, which have remained under their own form of government, upon their own soil, and have never submitted themselves to the government of the whites, have a perfect right to retain their original form of government, or to alter it according to their views of convenience, and propriety.


3. These rights of soil and sovreignty, are inherent in the Indians, till voluntarily surrendered by them, and cannot be taken away by compacts by communities of the whites; to which compacts the Indians were not a party.

4. From the settlement of the English colonies in North America, to the present day, the right of the Indians in their ac

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