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case of Mr. Thady O'Flynn, which Mr. O'Connell, from his knowledge of Irish matters, had at his fingers' ends. Mr. O'Flynn was accused of having stolen a pair of brogues from behind the door of the cabin of his sister-in-law's aunt, Mrs. Bridget Muldowney. He was informed that ten witnesses were ready to swear that they saw him steal the brogues. Plase your Reverence," returned the clever Thady, to the priest who investigated the affair; Please your Reverence, I can bring a hundert witnesses to sware that they did not see me stale the brogues." Now, Thady's defence was not admitted, simply because it appeared that his century of witnesses not only did not, but could not by any physical possibility, have seen what he did or did not do, on the occasion in question, they having been elsewhere. But the matter adverted to by Mr. O'Connell was very different, for the witnesses in that case were present, and did hear the conversation, or rather the retort discourteous, between Mr. Hume and Mr. Charlton, but although there present, and there listening, they did not hear the words which hot Mr. Hume, and cool Mr. Roebuck, declared to have been addressed by Mr. Charlton to Mr. Hume. Mr. O'Connell, whose sympathies are as keen in a matter of this kind as his arguments are subtle, concluded his speech with a proposition that Mr. Hume should withdraw the words he had spoken, and Mr. Charlton the letter he had written, and that failing this amicable settlement both gentlemen should be committed to the formal and fee-creating custody of the sergeant-at-arms, lest a worse thing should happen to them. There are many who think this would have been a very superfluous piece of caution, so far as one of the parties in the dispute was concerned, and as a man cannot conveniently fight by himself, the assurance that either of them would prudently refrain from battle, removed anxiety as to both. Sir Robert Peel, however, concurred in Mr. O'Connell's view of the propriety of an amicable arrangement by mutual concession, and the weight of his opinion settled the affair. Mr. Hune volunteered a confession that he had spoken the offensive words in error, and under a wrong impression, and Mr. Charlton, after a

very natural expression of his regret,
that Mr. Hume had not thought of
making this explanation a little sooner,
said that as the offence was admitted
to have been given in error, he was
willing to express his regret for having
written the letter complained of by Mr.
Hume. Thus ended this "modern in-
stance" of chivalry, in which the mem-
ber for Middlesex-that renowned
knight of the shire-and his squire, the
sapient and modest Mr. Roebuck, must
be admitted to have shone with all
their accustomed lustre.
It is not
likely that the affair will add much to
Mr. Hume's reputation in the pugna-
cious region of the county of Galway,
but what is that to him? Had he done
battle with Mr. Charlton, the country
might have lost him; as it is, he lives
to do battle with the government es-
timates, and to get papers printed at
the expense of three hundred pounds
for the purpose of exposing an extra-
vagance of thirteen pence halfpenny
per annum. As for Mr. Charlton he
seems to have been rather baulked of
the satisfaction, which he desired from
the perverse but patient member for
Middlesex. This is hard, but still he
need not be inconsolable—

Durum sed levius fit patientia,
Quicquid corrigere est nefas.

MR. BUCKINGHAM'S COURT OF HONOR.

The subject of the duello having been incidentally before the house in the above affair, it is to be regretted that advantage was not taken of the advice of the " liberal and enlightened" member for Sheffield. That reform, and voyage-round-the-world-projecting gentleman, has a notice of a motion before the house, which it is but fair to suppose he has not determined upon without much study of the subject of getting out of scrapes by some other method than fighting one's way out of them; and yet it happens, strangely enough, that although even Mr. Wakley's opinion was listened to, in the affair just noticed, Mr. Buckingham does not appear to have been invited to any contribution of his wisdom on the occasion. Perhaps, as the house is apt to be impatient sometimes, it was apprehensive of getting too much. But a time is coming when it will not escape the instruction it requires, for though

Mr. Buckingham's subject has been once or twice postponed, there does still remain upon the notice-book the following: "Mr. Buckingham-Bill for authorising the constitution of courts of honor, as tribunals for the adjudication of those disputes, now commonly decided by an appeal to arms; with a view to provide a competent substitute for the absurd, murderous, and unchristian practice of duelling." All this is very well, and will appear especially wise and proper to those particular 'friends' of Mr. Buckingham, who belong to the society so called, and for whose edification, rather than that of the House of Commons, it may be more than suspected, that the ingenious member for Sheffield intends this notice of motion. But with all respect to that gentleman, it is but fair that the originality of this de

vice of his should be attributed to ano

ther person, namely, the renowned Mr. Isaac Bickerstaff, who conducted a periodical called the " Tatler," in the reign of Queen Anne. This Bickerstaff was not half so Solomonish a man as Mr. Buckingham, but he had a ready wit, and hence by a mere flash of fancy, he arrived at the same conclusion which the learned M.P. has dug out of the mine'of philosophy, wherein he continually labours for an ungrateful public. The curious in such matters will be well repaid if they will take the trouble to look to No. 250, et seq. of Mr. Bickerstaff's papers, for nice disquisitions, and instructive reports touching this same court of honour. The plan of the court was announced under date the 14th November, 1710, and it contains some admirable hints, which, if Mr. Buckingham have not yet availed himself of, he ought so to do forthwith. A little alteration is, of course, necessary, from the change of habits and authorities since that time, but so practised a reformer as the member for Sheffield, will feel no difficulty about that. One thing, however, he ought to follow strictly Mr. Bickerstaff named himself president of the court. Mr. Buckingham must not allow his disinterestedness or his modesty to prevent him from following so respectable an example. No doubt he has so much considered the subject as to make him the fittest judge in questions of such niceness as are likely to come before the

court which he proposes to institute. How important and how delicate his predecessor, Bickerstaff, deemed the duties he might be called upon to perform, may be gathered; from the following extract, copied from his first publication on the subject.

"I am very sensible that the office I have now taken upon me will engage me in the disquisition of many weighty points that daily perplex the youth of the British nation; and therefore I have already discussed several of them for my future use; as, how far a man may brandish his cane in telling his story without insulting his hearer; what degree of contradiction amounts to the lie; how a man shall resent another's staring, and cocking a hat in his face; if asking pardon is an atonement for treading upon one's toes; whe ther a man may put up with a box on the ear, received from a stranger in the dark; or, whether a man of honour may take a blow of his wife? with several other subtleties of a like nature."

The considerateness of all this must strike every one, and it will certainly be no discredit to Mr. Buckingham, if in his practical and praiseworthy undertaking, he shall avail himself of the collateral suggestions, as he already has of the plan and its title, of those who have gone before him.

N. B. In several of Mr. Bickerstaff's papers, between the 14th Nov. 1710, aforesaid, and the end of that year, will be found deeply interesting reports of the proceedings before the court of honor, of which he had the honor to be president. The evidence is set down in a concise and yet very lucid manner, and the decisions are distinguished by a most felicitous appropriateness.

LORD WELLESLEY'S RESIGNATION.

Whether considered morally, or politically, this distinguished nobleman's resignation cannot but be looked upon as rather extraordinary. He resigns his place as lord chamberlain, and then he appears quite resigned to the mystery which hangs about the cause of this very decisive step during the early career of the renewed Melbourne administration. Lord Londonderry, in the House of Peers, quotes the fact of his resignation as circunstantial evidence of the disgust with which the noble marquis regarded the

new order of affairs in the Irish government. Lord Melbourne, in reply, insisted that the policy of the government, as regarded Ireland, was much approved by the noble marquis. On the 2nd of June, the noble marquis being then present in the House of Lords, and Lord Melbourne, and a royal duke, from whom Lord Londonderry was understood to have received his information on the subject, being also present, Lord Londonderry, alluding to his former statement, and the sort of denial given to it by Lord Melbourne, intimated that he was prepared to shew by documents, the correctness of the statement he had made, if that were desired; though, for his own part, he had no inclination to press the matter farther. Upon this Lord Melbourne, who had contradicted the former statement of the noble marquis, (Londonderry,) and Lord Wellesley, from whom that statement, or something to that effect, had originally come, both said they were satisfied, and had no wish for the production of the documents. This shews pretty plainly, how much Lord Melbourne's denials are worth, however confidently they may be put forth. The belief of the best informed upon the subject seems to be, that at the first levee which took place after the memorable procession of Lord Mulgrave into Dublin, the Marquis Wellesley told His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, that he had resigned in consequence of the dissatisfaction he felt at the way in which the authority of government was represented in Ireland. Some maintain that all the dissatisfaction he felt arose from the fact that he had not himself been reappointed to the Lord Lieutenancy, while others insist that it referred to the political junction with O'Connell and his gang. Whatever it may have been, it is now clear that he did make a communication to the Duke of Cumberland, touching his resignation, which was understood to convey dissatisfaction with government arrangements in Ireland; and it is further upon record that when invited to an explanation upon this point, in the House of Lords, he declined it, and preferred leaving the matter as it stood. As far as can be judged from what has come before the public, regarding this matter,

Lord Melbourne's conduct was a pitiful combination of shuffling and hauteur.

FUSS AT WOLVERHAMPTON.

The conceited Whig-radicals of South Staffordshire, with that political menial, Edward John Littleton, at their head, were arrogant enough to think, and confident enough to persuade the government to think, that they had the representation of the county all in their own hands, and could make sure of a seat, for any Whig countrygentleman, with ordinary pretensions to that honor. In consequence of this, the creature Littleton was made a peer, and the Hon. Colonel Anson was nominated as his successor in the representation of the county. This Colonel Anson is brother of Lord Lichfield, who made himself convenient to the Russell and O'Connell party, during the administration of Sir Robert Peel, by lending them, free of charge, an empty house of his, wherein to hold their factious meetings.

The colonel himself had been beaten at Yarmouth, in the general election, by a Conservative opponent. It was his luck to be beaten again in Staffordshire, notwithstanding the confidence of his friends, and again by a Conservative. The dirty mob of Wolverhampton were so provoked at this, that they got up a pretty considerable row, which a magistrate of the county, who was also a clergyman, and a supporter of Colonel Anson, thought serious enough to demand the interference of the military. Some thirty or forty dragoons were accordingly called in, the riot act was read, and the rioters put to flight, by the three dozen soldiers. In the engagement, one horse was killed on the side of the military; and several men scratched, and one boy severely wounded, on the part of the mob. This was no very mighty affair, and here it might and ought to have ended; but the radical tail of Colonel Anson's committee thought it a fine opportunity for a fuss, so they constituted themselves a committee of inquiry, took evidence (not on oath), and forwarded the same to the office of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. Lord John Russell wished the impertinent meddlers far enough for their pains, for as it was a Conservative politician who

not

called out the military, he had no desire to make a grievance of it. The Horse Guards sent down an order to some one, to see whether the military had behaved properly or not; and it was found that they had. Meantime the hearts of certain magnanimous members connected with Staffordshire, waxed great within them, and they talked big in the House of Commons about the necessity for a government investigation. Lord John Russell wished to get off, but the Radical party gave his chain a tug, to remind him of their mastery, and he grumbled an assent. He determined, however, to be even with them in another way; and, in order to shew his respect for their suggestion, sent down as the investigator, one Sir Frederick Roe, a police magistrate, a very respectable man in his line, which is that of examining cases of larceny and assault, and reducing refractory cab-drivers, and the like, to order, and a due sense of their enormitiess. No sooner did Sir Frederick get to Wolverhampton, than a meddling idiot named Roaf, who began the fuss about inquiry, proceeded to bother him about publicity, and half a dozen reporters from the London newspapers attacked him all at once upon the same score. These gentlemen, of course, even sent forth their complaints to all parts of the earth, borne on the broad sheets of the London papers; and the fuss grew more and more prodigious. Several special despatches have gone down from the Home Department since; and at this present writing, it cannot be anticipated what mighty agitation this affair may not lead to. This much is clear, that half a dozen Protestant clergymen might be murdered by Mr. O'Connell's friends in Ireland, without the House of Commons, or the government, taking a fiftieth part of the notice of it, which has been bestowed upon this row of the Wolverhampton blackguards, in which one horse has been killed, and one boy wounded.

HUME ON COSTUME.

ing the discussion of corporation reform having gone off much more quickly and quietly than was expected, worthy Mr. Hume, willing perhaps to divert the thoughts of ministerial members from a painful sense of disappointment, entered upon the subject of costume. He spoke with his accustomed feeling of the inconvenient necessity which existed for wearing a bag-wig and sword, at the levees of the Speaker, and in a strain of energetic eloquence, recommended a dispensation to be granted regarding these appendages to senatorial gentility. The subject was discussed with infinite gravity, and eventually postponed until a greater number of members should be present to give due weight to whatever decision might be come to upon so important a point. The considerateness of this can only be duly estimated by those who have seen the most important votes, regulating the application of millions of the public money passed, as they do every session, with fewer members in the house than were on the occasion of the bagwig and sword discussion. There are different opinions as to Mr. Hume's own views in seeking the abolition of "court dress" at the Speaker's levees. Some say that he has a political object in it, and is anxious that nothing that savours of a court, not even its costume, should appear at the levees of the head of such a great democratic assembly as the House of Commons now is.

Others affirm that he had nothing but a little economy in view, and was auxious to save the half guinea which the hire of these court ornaments for the evening would cost him. Some, again, will have it, that the wearing of a sword, and seeing others wear such weapons, makes him feel a little queerish about the heart. He cannot help recollecting, that were he to meet with a hasty opponent, like Mr. Charlton, for example, things might be brought to a crisis, under such circumstances, before there was time to lay the affair before the House as a question of privilege. Another view of the matter is, that Hume was put up to speak on the subject by the members of the tail, who consider that the Hollywellstreet Jew dealers have used them ill in this matter. The old-clothes men have, it seems, raised the hire of bag