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There may be much abstract truth “ To the country gentlemen we owe in these attacks, but none in their pre- the evils which the new poor-law bill was sent application. Interested marriages introduced to remedy; with them would are, no doubt, common; but we tell disappear our game laws; and our corn our author, and we ground this, per- laws would, perhaps, be more easily haps startling, assertion, on long atten
abolished. I believe them tu be eminently tion and impartial observation, that, unfit for the management of our jails; generally speaking, the proportion of and, in short, were a national system of such unions increases exactly in the education and a well organized paid ma. ratio of the poverty of the class in gistracy established, I think the propriewhich they exist; and to such an extent
tors and occupiers of land would speedily does this hold, as frequently to have
learn to manage their own matters better
than the best committee of the most active almost compelled us to doubt the existence, in the very lowest classes, of country justices, and that the disappearany other motive whatever.
ance of the country gentlemen, instead of
an objection, would be found an addiFor evidence in support of this we tional argument on my side. Nor should do not refer our readers to the Eclogues we by this be deprived of an aristocracy: of Virgil, the Aminta of Tasso, or the the intelligence distributed through the Galatea of Florian, but to the source country would not be diminished; far where we were ourselves instructed otherwise. The mansions, the palaces, the school of practical and patient ob- the manors, which now are possessed by servation.
those who too often inherit the prejuBut to return to our author. After a
dices as well as the estates of their ancesvery intelligible dissertation to prove
tors, would pass into the hands of men of how conducive it would be to public far greater ability and acquirement, who improvement to lay hold on all private would bring into agriculture some portion libraries, galleries, museums, &c. for of that acuteness of mind and intensity of the state, and not to remove them from purpose by which the means of their their present residences—far would he purchase were acquired, and by which be from doing such a Gothic act-but is the inost neglected of our arts, might
that which, though the most complicated, simply to remove the owners from both, receive that scientific cultivation which and to render the mansion and its con
alone can enable the British to compete tents public property; and showing in with the foreign corn grower.” one place that to be sickly and profli
We shall make but one more exgate is the essential distinction of an eldest son, and the result of too much tract, for the purpose of warning those
would-be Conservatives, who would rawealth; he soon after demonstrates, with equal force of ressoning, that these ther cut their own throats quietly than same things are peculiar to younger kind office, and whose timely exclusion
fright those who wish to do them this sons, and a necessary consequence of
from administration has recently pretheir poverty. He then kindly condescends to answer some difficulties that served the constitution from being sasqueamish minds might suggest to the those friends who forget that public
crificed to the conciliating timidity of adoption of his system.
opinion will always follow a decided go“ It will be objected, I doubt not, that vernment, and has saved the Conone class of society, the country gentle- servative party from being the subject men, would disappear from among us were
of a verdict of felo de se, the probathis law or custom of primogeniture to bility of which event seems to have be discontinued: but it may be questioned occurred to our radical when he wrote whether this would be an evil, and whe as follows :ther a subdivision of landed property into “ Now they must make their delicate portions, sufficiently large, however, for and squeamish minds up to a little more the profitable employment of capital, is of a real reform ; for without it neither not greatly to be desired.”
this nor any other government can go “I much doubt whether the country on; and if we get it, we must make up gentlemen, improved as they are since the our minds not io care who gives it us. I days of Squire Western, are to be consi- should nowise wonder, friend Isaac, to dered as a class in any great degree con- find many of us even taking to some of ducive to the public good.”
the moderate Tories, if they would but
show a reforming spirit, and give up their from the lower to the highest stations ultra and Orange connexions. They are in society, is not by any means so frevery stout when they take to a thing, quent in republics as in limited moand thev don't stand at a trifle. Witness parchies. the Catholic question.”
The reason of this is obvious, and Ere we conclude we shall briefly may be illustrated by what our readers notice one use of an established aristo- must have often observed when a mass cracy, which may not have been so of persons are congregated to see some frequently observed as those we have public show. If they are on a smooth mentioned. It consists in its affording slope, the weight of all above presses a legitimate object of ambition, by on those below; each feels conscious which talent can attain rank without that he bolds bis place merely by keeppower. Of all tyrannies that of talenting down others; while those others is the most dangerous. By tyranny we have not only the sense of their own niean, of course, power not legitimately inferiority of station, but the galling revested. Now, the object of the ambi- flection that they are supporting those tion of talent is a permanent distinc- who are enjoying such advantages over tion from the majority of society. The them. This state of things produces a temporary eminence attained by each constant restlessness. Each feels that exertion of talent is obviously merely if he must be in a constant struggle, he the means employed by the individual may as well struggle to improve as to to attain the other. It is always a retain his situation; and everyone, conpainful and galling mortification to sequently, looks on his superiors as talent to feel its rank depending on tyrants, bis inferiors as enemies, and those whom it considers as its inferiors. his equals as rivals. But how different Hence it is that republics whose terri- the result when a similar crowd is coltories are sufficiently peopled are per- lected on a flight of steps. Here the petually involved in civil broils, and elevation of one is of no injury to anouniformly terminate in a despotisın. ther; each is secure of his own place, There is no situation in them in which and, therefore, under no necessity of such a permanent distinction can be exertion, nor disposed to any hostile obtained. Men of talent and ambition feeling towards others; on the contrary, are, therefore driven to recollect that if a vacancy appears, they are ready that object can only be attained by to help up one from below to fill it up. possessing themselves of immense and The fundamental error of all attacks independent power. The great move on the system of an bereditary aristoments of republies are, consequently, in cracy consists in the supposition that a general, convulsive, and are effected by state of political or social equality is the struggles of individual talent aiming possible, or consistent with the nature at power. Those of a limited and
or circumstances of man, either in a mixed government, like that of Great civilized or savage state. We are not Britain, on the other hand, are per- called on to inquire whether, if posformed by the steady exertions of a sible, it would be even desirable. Our great number of able minds, each of own opinion is, that it would be in the whom, having in view a distinct and highest degree otherwise; that a state authorised object, labours on, with that of perfect and permanent equality, if friendly disposition towards his fellow- such were possible, must completely citizens which results from the con- paralyze and destroy the faculties and sciousness that his object is as gene- powers of the human mind. And, in rally approved as the means by which fact, such is the natural inequality of he attains it, and that jealous attach- mankind, that if we were to suppose ment to the constitution of his country the whole race, at any one given mowhich is the consequence of the feeling ment, rendered perfectly equal, there that on its permanence all his prospects would be, within one year after, as depend. This is remarkably exempli- many degrees of rank as there are in fied in a fact which has not escaped our own constitution; with the important the notice even of our Transatlantic difference that those degrees would be brethren, that what is called “rising limited only by, and consist in, the vafrom the ranks,” or the elevation of rious kinds of power which the talents individuals, by the mere force of merit, or circumstances of each had cnabled
them to attain over others. The leading nence where its struggles may termidistinction between a republic and a pate, and which it may transmit to its monarchy seems to be this, that while posterity; which, being disowned by the same distinctions of rank are pro- the other system, they are merely a duced in each by the unequal distribu- temporary and precarious usurpation, tion of wealth, talents, and fortune, they to be maintained by force or cunning, are acknowledged in the one state, and at the expense of the hatred of all rendered the secure reward of merit, below, and the jealous suspicion of all offering to ambition a permanent emi- above them.
PASSAGES FROM THE DIARY OF TERENCE O’RUARK, A.M.
THE POPULAR SECRETARIES OF STATE-THE CHIVALRY OF THE “REFORMED" JOUSE ---MR. BUCKING
HAN'S COURT OP HONOR-LURD WELLESLEY'S RESIGNATION-FCSS AT WOLVERHAMPTON-HOME ON COSTUME-COCKNEY AMUSEMENTS IN HOT WEATHER
THE POPULAR SECRETARIES OF STATE. modest as Doctor Bowring, and meriAt last the Whir-Radical secretaries torious as Mr. Gillon-all this various of state have got into parliament-and host fought under the banner of that bow ? By what singular and signal act great and mighty chief, Lord John of a grateful and delighted public have Russell
, because he was, or described these leading members of a ministry himself to be, the darling and the arrogating to itself exclusive popu- champion of the people. Swelling larity, been enabled to take their with the thought to nearly the size of seats as legislators for the people? Mr. Sheil, or half the size of Mr. Alas! that they who made the Retorin O'Connell, he proclaimed that Sir Bill, and then worshipped the idol that Robert Peel's ministry should be voted they had made-alas! that they should down because it was inimical to the live to see such an event—and so soon people who loved and trusted him and too! The public did not show itself his friends, and them alone. Within grateful—did not show itself delighted, the house Mr. Grant snored his assent, but left the secretaries of state to and without (for even then the exstruggle into parliament by the ignoble secretary for foreign affairs had and back-stairs entrance or two boronghs been rejected in the county which in conveniently vacated for the occasion, happier days be represented,) Lord and one pecrage, because no third Palmerston whispered to all the ladies borough was convenient or compliant of his acquaintance that Lord Jolin enough to receive the Right Honorable was right. Secretary for the Colonial Department. The united, congenial, and respectWhat a falling off
' is here! How differ- able host of English free-thinkers and ent from what might have been! How “ Philosophers,” of Irish Papists and different from what was expected! Lord Scotch “ Independents,” carried their John Russell was so satisfied of the ex- first point. Sir Robert Peel's ministry treme unpopularity of the Conservative was outvoted, and resigned. Lori administration, and so modestly con John Russell and his friends took scious that upon him and upon his office, and then the time was come to colleagues were the popular hopes prove before the face of an anxious fixed, that on this very ground he led and inquiring world that the Whiythe late opposition to battle. That re Radical ministers were indeed the spectable and united band of nembers darlings of the people. The three of parliament, consisting of English new secretaries of state were all comultra-Whigs and Radicals, all learned
Lord John Russell, at the as John Gully, and liberal as Joseph time of his appointment, was member Home--of Irish Papists, consistent for the county of Devon-Mr. Grant and quiet as Mr. Daniel O'Connell, was member for the county of Iverness pure and independent as Mr. Feargus -and Lord Palmerston had been memO'Connor -- of Scotch “reformers," ber for the county of Hants. The act
of becoming ministers—an act for the circumstances of the case, Lord which, as has been said, their exclusive Palmerston addressed the Tivertonians, popularity was the ground and the upon acquiring the highly popular excuse-vacated the seats of Lord honor of being declared their repreJohn and Mr. Grant ; the whole three sentative. After reminding them of had now to show, by the eclat of their the great and glorious privilege they re-entrance to parliament, the truth enjoyed of assembling in the “open and justice of their pretensions to the air” to hear him declare his sentiments. exclusive favor of the people. The He said—“ The circumstances under way in which this was shown was as which he found himself there, were no follows :—Mr. Grant did not dare to less honorable to them than gratifying to go back to his county; a Conservative him.” Now, let us mark his exquisite was returned in his place by the peo
“ He had no connexion with ple, and admission was procured for the county of Devon-be had never him into the House of Peers by the put foot within their beautiful town till influence of his party with the king; the other day, when he obeyed their Lord John Russell did dare to go back summons. (He must have meant the to his county, but was beaten by an summons of Mr. Kennedy.) He had immense majority, and a Conservative no claim on their good wishes, except was returned in his room. Colonel those which were founded upon his Fox, son of one of Lord J. Russell's public conduct and his political princicolleagues in the cabinet, was then ples.” All this was excellent : the only induced to resign his seat for the thing it wants is a statement of which borough of Stroud, a place in Glouces- set of political principles (for he has tershire, with which Lord John has no had several in his time) the noble connexion whatever. He was, how- lord wished to make the foundation of ever, elected on Colonel Fox's recom his claim to the wise and discriminating mendation, and the gallant colonel was favor of the Tivertonians. Were they immediately afterwards accommodated the principles of the Liverpool, or the with a place in the ordnance depart- Canning, or the
Goderich, or the Welment. Lord Palmerston did not ad- lington, or the Grey, or the Melbourne dress any large constituency. There administration ? for in all these did the were half-a-dozen of the closest bo- noble lord serve, so continual has been roughs now left in England, talked of bis zeal for the public welfare. The from time to time as likely to be men of Tiverton ought to have asked vacated for his sake-at last one Mr. him this question. Kennedy, the only English member Another instance of his lordship's who voted with Nír. Dan. O'Connell intrepidity on this occasion it is proper in the House of Commons for Repeal to record, in order that there may be of the Union, felt himself suddenly a due estimate formed of the advantage unwell, and found sitting in the house enjoyed by the country in having such very inconvenient to him. He there- a Foreign Secretary.
- The governfore resigned his seat for the borough ment of Lord Melbourne,” quoth he, of Tiverton, and, singular to relate, "was suddenly interrupted in the Lord Palmerston was immediately career of reform which it was pursuelected for that place without oppo- ing, (an invisible career, by the by,) and sition. Thus did the three secretaries in November last a government took get into parliament; and looking at the office, consisting of persons who, during means by which, and the manner in the whole period of their political existwhich they achieved that object, it is ence, had resisted every improvement, surely not too much to say, that no and from whose opposition had arisen one can have any doubt as to the all the difficulties which the “reform veracity of their assertions about the ministry' had to contend with.” Now, possession of exclusive popularity. No it so happens, that during at least twoone can feel any perplexity of mind as thirds of the “political existence of to the fact of the great favor in which “ these persons," the very same Lord they are held by the people—that Palmerston, who thus speaks of them, people in whose name they cast out the Conservative administration. THEIR COLLEAGUE, aiding and abetting
It is impossible not to admire the whatever they did, whether it was in easy coufidence with which, under all resistance to every improvement” or
WAS HIMSELF THEIR SI BORDINATE OR
not! After this, who can deny that man would have been foolish enough the dignity and wisdom of the Secre- to do something which would have tary of State for the Home Depart- been, or have led to a breach of the ment, or the activity and vigor of the peace of our lord the king ; but the Secretary of State for the Colonies, more considerate Mr. Hume only said are as nought when compared with the something to show that a breach of the candour and high honor of the Secre- privileges of parliament had been comtary of State for Foreign Affairs ? mitted. Mr. Hume did not deny the
use of the words complained of; but THE CHIVALRY OF THE “REFORMED" then, said he, Mr. Charlton had called
me an impertinent fellow before I apJohnson is said to have said, that plied these words to him. Who but there was nothing, he thought, in which must admire Mr. Hume's method of the power of art is shown so much as retort! He concluded his statement in playing on the fiddle. In a similar with an avowal that he had no intenmood of mind one might be inclined tion of offending the honorable memto hazard the opinion that there ber! Mr. Charlton, therefore, affirmed is nothing in which the power that he had not used the phrase which of the House of Commons is Mr. Hume attributed to him, and shown so much as in keeping that which he (Mr. Hume) admitted he wringable ornament of the human had afterwards used himself ; for, countenance called the nose, added Mr. Charlton, “it is a phrase scathed, upon the faces of certain which no 'gentleman would use." A very honourable gentlemen. Some member of the house, named Roebuck, people bave protecting vows in heaven distinguished as the friend of revolt and insulting tongues on earth ; others in Canada, and of Mr. Hume, then who speak with unguarded lips, have rose as a witness, and deposed that he friends with singularly gifted ears to get (Roebuck) had heard the words “imthem out of their scrapes ; but even pertinent fellow" applied in the first these would not do outside the walls of instance by Mr. Charlton to Mr. Hume. the “reformed” House of Commons. It This witness also affirmed that he himis only within that highly privileged self was a cool and an impartial peratmosphere that wounds of honor are On the other side, Mr. Rickards, healed up without the serious conse Mr. Plumtre, Lord Stormont, Mr. A. quences which ensue in places less Trevor, Lord Mahon, and Mr. Wakley, enlightened. I am led to these remarks all stated that they had heard what at present in consequence of the pas- took place--that they had not heard the sages (not of arms) between Mr. Joseph words which Mr. Hume, as principal. Hume and Mr. Lechemere Charlton, and Mr. Roebuck as witness, attributed which last night occupied the House to Mr. Charlton, but that they had of Commons. It appears “by the heard the words which Mr. Charlton papers in this cause,” to use the attributed to Mr. Hume. Upon this phraseology of Chancery, that Mr. arose Mr. Spring Rice (Chancellor and Charlton, while he was speaking, heard under-Treasurer of his Majesty's ExMr. Hume make use of the words chequer), who, in the most conciliatory "impertinent fellow,” which he believed manner, and with the most elaborate were applied to him ; but for fear of blandness of language, begged to sugany mistake, he sent a letter to Mr. gest that no more should be said about Hume, desiring to know whether it the matter, but that it should rest exwas so or not. Mr. Hume refused to actly where it was. O'Connell next, to give any answer or explanation. Mr. him opposing, rose. He did not think Charlton wrote to him that by such that the matter should rest whcre it unmanly and cowardly behaviour he was, but he did think that the witness had rendered himself wholly unworthy (Roebuck, to wit) who distinctly said, of the title of a gentleman, and he that he had heard such and such words published a copy of this letter in the used, was a witness much more to be newspapers. The next step taken by depended upon than they who merely Mr. Home in the matter was to com said that they did not hear these words. plain of it in the house as a breach of This clever and characteristic observathe privileges of parliament. Another tion was evidently suggested by the