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in hell; and when Master Parez, who of a man unconscious that he spoke was there present with me, asked him aloud—“The waters of vengeance are in who were they, he said the earl's my inner parts! Ah! Wafer, I will see squire was one, but that neither he you soon now: you shook like a dry husk nor Teling would know their com in the leprosy; but mine is the girdle rade till they all met face to face and the waters of vengeance--for what Then Master Parez said, “Waler, why was they said ? .be they girded with rave you? you know your comrade. the girdle of malediction, and made * I know it was not he who bears the partakers with Pharaoh, Nero, Herod, blame,' was Wafer's answer ; for, and Judas the proditor.'. Ah, hell, though it was in the dark we did it, hell! I too, am the proditor! The I could see enough to tell that the waters of vengeance are within me, as man who joined us at the door, as we marrow in my bones. They are the dragged the old man in, was armed at words of the curse, and to the word it all points, and was lower than myself is fulfilling in me. With Dathan and by the head; whereas, the knight Abiram I shall descend into hell quick! lay asleep on a bench within, and dis- Teling and Wafer, we shall descend robed, with his door bolted, and stands into hell quick! Horrible! borrible! two inches taller,' said he, 'than I

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you will know your comrade then, self;' and, with that, he prayed God to Wafer! you said you would know me forgive him for bringing an innocent when we met face to face at the judgman into such trouble; groaning and ment.-- That was the word; and you lamenting, in a way pitiable to hear." shook in your leprosy like a dry husk.

And what answer made Parez to For what was it they said ? - Good that?"

Lord, send them hunger and thirst, and “ My lord, he flung out of the room, strike them with the pestilener, that saying, that he would not hear the they be consumed and their generation church's judgment called in question.” clean eradicate. The bells are tink“ Where lies he now?"

ling-faugh! how the candles stink! My lord,” replied Brereton, Ah, sons of Belial, our souls shall be are only awaiting a priest and an exc so extinguished, and so shall stink in cutioner to put him out of temporal the nostrils of the Divine vengeance. pain. He is in the guard-room of the Great God, I heard it but once, and I barbican, quite distraught for terror. remember every word !” He shud. There is some great sin on his con dered, and raised his head, as if to science. I have seen many men, my dispel the tremendous recollection by lord, afraid to die; but any man in this gazing on the oljects present, but cast despairing agony

| nerer saw before.” bimself forward on his knees the mo" How is that, Sir William?" ment he lifted his eyes from the ground,

My lord, he sits on the ground, for the archbishop was standing in his with his head sunk between his knees, robes before him, his hands uplifted in muttering the most fearful curses I horror and amazement. “Mercy, mercy, ever heard from the mouth of man. mercy!” cried the wretched man, and Where he can have learned them, God flung hiinself forward to clasp the preknows; but it seems to me as if they late's feet in all the abjectness of proswere some awful imprecations of the trate supplication. The archbishop mochurch which he thitiks are now ful- tioned to be left alone with him, and filling on bim.”

the guards withdrew out of earshot. " Lead me to him, Sir William," said In less than a quarter of an hour after, the Archbishop; " I begin to see my Archbishop Croiner came forth into way through these mists of error at the courtyard, where the Lord Deputy, Jast.” So saying, he proceeded to the with his attendants, was still engaged. barbican, where Parez was confined. “Let Sir John Talbot and his lady The unhappy man was alone in the coine forward," caid Cromer. The wide dungeon, sitting, as Brereton had knight and Ellen advanced into the described, in all the nerveless prostra circle before the Lord Deputy. “My tion of despair, on the bare floor lord and gentlemen," continued Croner, where he sank when first thrust in “it is known to all of you how this by the guards. He was shuddering, knight has been attainted of the murder and muttering, in the monotonous tone of my late brother of Dublin, the

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Archbishop Alan. The nature of the the misplaced imprecations of the evidence which seemed to convict him church, I hereby absolve, exonerate, is also known to you, as well as the and clearly free you, John Talbot, tremendous sentence pronounced by knight, from the sentence of excommuthe church against him. My lord and nication erewhile pronounced against gentlemen, in the perpetration of that you, for the murder of John Alan, late murder there were thiee persons con- Archbishop of Dublin, of which crime cerned; two of them, called Teling and you have been shown to be manifestly Water, of whose guilt there is no innocent: 1 restore you to all the doubt, and the third, as has till now rights, honours, and immunities whereof been generally supposed, this much you have been by that misplaced mawronged gentleman, Sir John Talbot. lediction deprived; and I declare your My lord and gentlemen, I shall ever marriage with this lady, Mistress Ellen count this an auspicious day, in such Dudley, to have been true, binding, returning years as God may vouchsafe and honourable wedlock, from the first. me, which has seen the truth of this Rise up, Sir John Talbot; you are a matter at length brought to light. free man, by the bounty of his Majesty, The trne murderer, my lord, is dis- whose general act of pardon, for such covered : Sir William Brereton is wit as have laid down their arms previous ness of his voluntary confession of the to the taking of this castle, is hereby crime : Christopher Parez did the extended to you, if you think fit to murder, and has confessed it. May I avail yourself of its provisions.” pray you to restrain the louder expression of your amazement, till I shall have done justice, so far as now “Now," said Turlogh, that things can be rendered, to this innocent and begin to look somewhat better, I can much-wronged gentleman. Kneel down, leave our hero and heroine with a Sir John Talbot; and, my lord and tolerable grace till tomorrow night, gentlemen, I pray you silence. In when, God willing, I shall tell you the name and by the authority of that whatever else I know about them or Heavenly Host, invoked to 'sanction their's.”

WHAT IS THE USE OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS ?

It is very pretty, but what is the use as by its existence entitled to the suppoof it ?" is the observation of a sensible sition that it is useful until the contrary child when he is shown a fine piece of is proved. He does not think that all mechanism. " What is the use of the that has been done without consulting House of Lords ?" is the question put him must be wrong. He asks and he by the self-sufficient radical to the halt- is rewarded by an explanation. So thinking Whiy, and the half-thinking shall our friend, the Radical ; but wheWhiy replies, « Oh fie! what a shock- ther he will be gratitied by the explaing thing to say ; but, after all, what nation, we do not know, nor indeed do is the use of the House of Lords?” The we very anxiously care. We shall prosaid radical will now exclaim, “ Ah! ceed then to answer this question ; well, this is an honest kind of Tory ; not for the benefit of either of te you see he compares us to sensible worthies we have named, but to satisfy children.” We disclaim all the honours the mind of the timid but devout lorer to be derived from this approbation of the constitution, who would wish to We make no such comparison, or at win the democrat by reason : who would least only a comparison of contrast. try to charm away the Laodicean fit The child asks to be informed, because from a Whig, and who would not even he expects to be informed ; he seeks to suffer a maniac to be contined until he know the use, because he takes for was persuaded that he was not fit to be granted that there is an use : he looks at liberty. on what has cost time, and labour, and The question to which it is our obthe power of man's wisdom, to complete, ject to furnish an answer, may seem

difficult, because it is new. It is new influence as a legislative body and court because it is the result of a state of of judicature. society hitherto unprecedented ; a state It is asked, then, “ What is the use wherein the end is forgotten in the of the House of Lords ?”

We reply means, and man imagines his glory to by another question,

“ What is the use consist in the creation of the instrument, of Parliament ?" not in the use to which he applies it. In If we can establish the point that the a state of society like this, it is not sur- influence of the House of Lords does prising than ancient institutions should not injure the operations of the legislabe despised, and every thing should be ture, or the comfort and happiness of decried as useless, and therefore de- the subject, it is amply sufficient to sinounced as baneful, which does not lence all pretence of right to interfere produce such a variety of visible effects with that influence. But we do not as to meet the contracted intellects of a intend to rest here ; and we think we class of society, every member of which may with safety pledge ourselves to has a distinct idea of usefulness, com demonstrate to our readers, both by pounded of the experience of his own the principles of reason, by the opinion peculiar branch, and the wild theories of the wisest men, and by practical exof his favourite village demagogue, perience, the bold position which we The tailor does not, it is true, demand here put forward, that in every thing what is the use of the cobbler ; not be- in which the use and value of parliacause he is checked by the recollection ment consists, the House of Lords have that the latter has as good a right to been, and must always be, more useful retort the question, but because he feels and more valuable than the House of and sees the benefit he derives from the Commons. cobbler. Every thing and every person, We have asserted that such questions however, to whom he cannot apply, originate in that diseased state of soor rather is not compelled to apply this ciety, which has disposed man, even latter test, he condemns without hesita- beyond his natural want, to look rather tion as useless.

to the means than to the end. We Upon this principle the numerical conceive that this question arises from majority of the nation will perhaps ex a certain irrational, but most cominon, claim, “ What is the use of the House idea, that the use of parliament, or of of Lords ?"

what they in consequence, denominate If we were called on to reply to this the useful part of parliament, the House question, as asked by the irreverent, of Commons, is to represent the peoshort-sighted, and unprincipled Radical, ple. Now, though we were to adinit or his dupe and instrument, the self-suffi- this preposterous theory, we would cient and inconsistent Whig, we would fearlessly undertake to show, that, even merely say, that as we do not conceive in this sense, the House of Lords is ourselves bound to prove our individual more useful, and more effectually reutility in order to entitle us to retain our presents the feelings and wishes of that existence, or even our possessions and body of the nation in whom the strength privileges ; so we do not conceive our of the nation consists, than the House selves or any other person entitled to of Commons. But we flatly assert, that put a question to the peers of England to represent the people is not only not which we would not tolerate to be put the chief use of parliament, but that it to us. This would be our reply to those may reasonably be doubted, if it forms whom we do not think sufficiently ra any the least portion of the utility of that tional to receive conviction from argu- great body ; and that it is merely, and inent, or sufficiently candid to acknow- comparatively recently, considered reledge that conviction, if received. But quisite as a means, by which that body we know that there are many really may be better enabled to legislate for well-disposed and sincere persons who the benefit of the people, as being more have been annoyed and puzzled by this acquainted with their wants. question. We apprehend the question We shall, in the first place, consider not to apply to the peers in their indi- the House of Lords merely in their vidual capacity, rank, or privileges, legislative capacity. but to be confined to the effects on the The only use and object of parliawelfare of the nation produced by their ment is to make beneficial laws. The

making of statutes for purposes only he, therefore, is free. _A play on words, declaratory of the law, or explanatory and nothing more. The individual who of other statutes, (a branch which has has voted in a popular legislative assembly, of late years become one of its most ne has not made the law that has passed in cessary functions,) I include under this it; he has only contributed, or seemed general head. If this were effected to contribute, towards enacting it, for his by Babbage's calculating engino, or by thousandth or ten thousandth share ; he pounding up in a mortar, certain pro

has had no opportunity of making his obportions of paper, types, and iuk,the jections to the proposed law, or of canwhole object of parliament would ob- yassing it, or of proposing restrictions to viously be at least as well attained as

it; and he has only been allowed to exat present. Inasmuch as the only use

press his assent or dissent, When a law of laws is to restrain and to protect passes agreeably to his vote, it is not in the only reason for placing any portion happens to take place ; it is because a num

consequence of this, his vote, that his will of the legislative power in the hands of persons elected to represent any class themselves on the same side with him.

ber of other men have accidentally thrown of the community, must be the suppo- When a law contrary to his intentions is sition that the laws will be thus render- enacted, he must, nevertheless, submit ed more likely to be judiciously adapt to it.

What, then, is lied to the benefit of the whole. It is berty ? Liberty, I would answer, as far merely a plausible error to suppose as it is possible for it to exist in a society that laws will be better obeyed when of beings whose interests are almost perthe people suppose that they have by petually opposed to each other, consists in representation had a share in their this, that every man, while he respects enactment. When a man is called on the persons of others, and allows them to obey a law against his interest, he quietly to enjoy the produce of their own never thinks, at least with any degree industry, be certain himself likewise to of affection, of the body whence it has enjoy the produce of his own industry ; emanated ; and when he is called on to and that his person be also secure. But enforce a law, visibly for his own ad to contribute by one's suffrage to produce vantage, he in general regards the wis- those advantages to the community, to dom of the legislature with equal ad have a share in establishing that order, miration, whether that wisdom be re that general arrangement of things, by sident in a house of Lords or Commons, the means of which an individual, lost a Sultan or Babbage's engine. If the

as it were in the crowd, is effectually people of England obey the law better protected, to lay down the rules observed than those of Austria or Turkey, it is by those who, being invested with a not owing to their esteem for their re

considerable power, are charged with the presentatives, or love for the abstract

defence of individuals, and to provide, that idea of parliament, but merely to the

they never should transgress them. These

are functions, are acts of government, but greater uniformity of that law, its being more founded on reason, and being

by no means constituent parts of liberty.

To express the whole in two words:-T more generally known and understood;

concur by one's suffrage in enacting laws as well as because the tenor of that

is to enjoy a share, whatever it may be, law has, at least hitherto, been, to give

of power to live in a state where the to every individual a right and interest

laws are equal for all, and sure to be exein his property and person, which has

cuted, (whatever are the means by which rendered the sanction of the law, or,

these advantages are attained,) is to be in other words, its power of enforcing its will, more extensive and more formidable. We cannot refrain here from Let us now briefly examine whetherthe quoting an admirable passage on this

House of Lords is not at least as well quasubject from one of the most judicious lified for the office of legislation as the writers on the constitution, himself a

House of Commons. The requisites for citizen of a foreign republic

an able legislative body are chiefly such

a course of education and habits of life “ A man who contributes by his vote as are most likely to render them acto the passing of a law, has himself made quainted with the sentiments of able the law; in obeying it, he obeys himself: men in the present and former ages,

* De Lolme on the English Constitution.

free."

their own and other nations, as well as partial views from constant intercourse freedom froin any strong interest in the with any one confined social circle, points on which they are required to while the decorum of their rank early Legislate ; and such knowledge of the instils a habit of command over themgeneral circumstances of the nation and selves, and over the expression, at least, of the former state of the law, as may of temper and feeling. render them competent to judge with In these countries the peeragcis parsufficient accuracy, of the effects likely ticularly fitted for this office, as while to ensue from the law they are about raised by rank above the rest of their to enact. Above all things, it is riqui- fellow subjects, they are yet possessed site that they should not consider their of none of those privileges which tend rank and power, as a body or as indi: to draw an absolute line of demarcation viduals, to depend on the number of between them and others, and to prelaws which thựy make, in a given tiine, vent them from being interested in and or on the adventitious circumstance of acquainted with the welfare of the those laws pleasing or displeasing any other classes. Their interest must particular district or party of the people. always be the interest of the nation at

Now we challenge the effrontery large ; and while the circumstances of the most barefaced Radical, or we have before mentioned render them the plausibility of the most sophis. more competent to judge of the genetical 'Whig, tó confute the assertion ral good, and less liable to be biassed that in every one of these respects in forming that judgment, yet these the House of Lords is, of all bodies di-tinctions do not operate to such an of whom the nation is composerl, the extent as to render them unacquainted best qualified to make judicious laws with the affairs on which that judgment for the benefit of the community. By is to be exercised. Lastly, let us consitheir rank, wealth, and habits, they der the source from whence this body are, at least as far as theory can lead is supplied. Generally speaking, every us to suppose, (and let it be remein member of it has either himself been, bered that in this part of our article it or is descended from a family who have is with theory we are dealing,) accus been, eminent for talents, virtues, or tomed to a wide range of elegant lite- hervic qualities. rature and philosophy ; they are obliged by the society in whic! they Thus far we have dwelt on the theory intermix, to be acquainted to a consi- of the constitution, and endeavoured derable extent with the works and opi- to show, by a short sketch, that as far nions of the wisest of all ages. They as this goes the House of Lords are of are alınost always sent when young to the whole kingdom the portion best travel in other countries, to learn the qualified to legislate beneficially for the habits, institutions, and sentiments of community. Much more might be said their inhabitants. Their society be- to this effect; but we shall pass on to yond their own rank is chiefly composed the more practical part of the subject, of those most eminent for talents, and and the rather because we do not think for the use made by them of those ta- that this point, even if fully established, lents. They have less interest in the would sati-fy the design we have in common objects of laws than most view, or answer the question to which classes, as their property and rank is we have undertaken to reply. in general fixed, and not liable to the The next branch of our subject leads sudden fluctuations of that of the mer us to inquire what were the opinions cantile or professional departments of of those who originated the power and society, and they are consequently less authority of parliament; what they conliable to be influenced in their views by ceived to be its design, and how they considerations of private advantage supposed that desiyn would be most and profit, and more likely to view effectually answered. questions according to the principles of Certainly no people, from the Athenright and wrong, and public benefit ian to the Arabi, ever were more truly and injury. Their connexions, ac- free, were more tenacious of their li. quaintances, and even their residences, berty, or took wiser measures to secure being more extensively spread, they it, than our Suxon ancestors: yet there are less tempted to derive limited and never existed a body of men in whom

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