mass of loose remarks and crude conceptions, to prove, that the natives of India have neither rights, laws, orders or distinction.

I shall now proceed to shew your Lordships, that the people of India have a keen sense and feeling of disgrace and dishonour. In proof of this I appeal to well-known facts. There have been women tried in India for offences, and acquitted, who would not survive the disgrace even of acquittal. There have been Hindoo soldiers, condemned at a court-martial, who have desired to be blown from the mouth of a cannon, and have claimed rank and precedence at the last moment of their existence, and yet these people are said to have no sense of dishonour! Good God! That we should be under the necessity of proving, in this place, all these things and of disproving that all India was given in slavery to this man!

But, my Lords, they will shew you, they say, that Ghinges Khan, Khouli Khan, and Tamerlane, destroyed ten thousand times more people in battle than this man did. Good God! Have they run mad? Have they lost their senses in their guilt? Did they ever expect, that we meant to compare this man to Tamerlane, Ghinges Khan, or Khouli Khan? To compare a clerk at a bureau,-to compare a fraudulent bullock contractor (for we could shew, that his

first elementary malversations were in carrying on fraudulent bullock contracts, which contracts were taken from him with shame and disgrace, and restored with greater shame and disgrace,) to compare him with the conquerors of the world! We never said he was a tiger and a lion; no, we have said he was a weasel and a rat.

We have said, that he has desolated countries by the same means, that plagues of his description have produced similar desolations. We have said, that he, a fraudulent bullock contractor, exalted to great and unmerited powers, can do more mischief than even all the tigers and lions in the world. We know, that a swarm of locusts, although individually despicable, can render a country more desolate than Ghinges Khan or Tamerlane. When God Almighty chose to humble the pride and presumption of Pharaoh, and to bring him to shame, he did not effect his purpose with tigers and lions; but he sent lice, mice, frogs, and every thing loathsome and contemptible to pollute and destroy the country. Think of this, my Lords, and of your listening here to these people's long account of Tamerlane's camp of two hundred thousand persons, and of his building a pyramid at Bagdad with the heads of ninety thousand of his prisoners!

We have not accused Mr. Hastings of being a great General, and abusing his military powers;

we know, that he was nothing at the best, but a creature of the bureau, raised, by peculiar circumstances, to the possession of a power, by which incredible mischief might be done. We have not accused him of the vices of conquerors: when we see him signalized by any conquests we may then make such an accusation; at present we say, that he has been trusted with power much beyond his deserts, and that trust he has grossly abused.-But to proceed

His counsel, according to their usual audacious manner, (I suppose they imagine, that they are counsel for Tamerlane, or for Ghinges Khan) have thought proper to accuse the Managers for the Commons, of wandering in all the fabulous regions of Indian mythology. My Lords, the Managers are sensible of the dignity of their place, they have never offered any thing to you, without reason. We are not persons of an age, —of a disposition-of a character, representative or natural, to wanton as these counsel call it; that is to invent fables concerning Indian antiquity. That they are not ashamed of making this charge, I do not wonder. But we are not to be thus diverted from our course.

I have already stated to your Lordships, a material circumstance of this case, which I hope will never be lost sight of; namely, the different situation in which India stood under the govern

ment

ment of its native princes and its own original laws, and even under the dominion of Mahometan conquerors, from that in which it has stood under the government of a series of tyrants, foreign and domestick, particularly of Mr. Hastings, by whom it has latterly been oppressed and desolated. One of the books which I have quoted, was written by Mr. Halhed; and I shall not be accused of wantoning in fabulous antiquity, when I refer to another living author, who wrote from what he saw, and what he well knew. This author says, "in truth it would be almost cruelty to molest "these happy people," (speaking of the inhabitants of one of the provinces near Calcutta,) "for in this district are the only vestiges of the

beauty, purity, piety, regularity, equity, and "strictness of the ancient Hindoostan govern"ment: here the property as well as the liberty "of the people is inviolate." My Lords, I do not refer you to this writer because I think it necessary to our justification;-nor from any fear that your Lordships will not do us the justice to believe, that we have good authority for the facts which we state, and do not (as persons with their licentious tongues dare to say) wanton in fabulous antiquity. I quote the works of this author, because his observations and opinions could not be unknown to Mr. Hastings, whose associate he was in some acts, and whose adviser he appears

to have been in that dreadful transaction, the deposition of Cossim Ali Khan. This writer was connected with the Prisoner at your bar in bribery, and has charged him with detaining his bribe. To this Mr. Hastings has answered, that he had paid him long ago. How they have settled that corrupt transaction I know not. I merely state all this, to prove that we have not dealt in fabulous history, and that if any body has dealt in falsehood, it is Mr. Hastings's companion and associate in guilt, who must have known the country, and who, however faulty he was in other respects, had in this case no interest whatever in misrepresentation.

I might refer your Lordships, if it were necessary, to Scrafton's account of that ancient government, in order to prove to you the happy comparative state of that country, even under its former usurpers. Our design, my Lords, in making such references, is not merely to disprove the Prisoner's defence, but to vindicate the rights and privileges of the people of India. We wish to reinstate them in your sympathy. We wish you to respect a people as respectable as yourselves; a people, who know as well as you, what is rank, what is law, what is property;-a people who know how to feel disgrace, who know what equity, what reason, what proportion in punishments, what security of property is, just as well

as