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complacency, the shaggy and populous * beard, which he fondly cherished, after the example of the philosophers of Greece. Had Julian consulted the simple di&tates of reason, the first magiftrate of the Romans would have scorned the affectation of Diogenes, as well as that of Darius.'

Mr. Gibbon concludes his twenty-second chapter with observing that the generality of princes, if they were stripped of their purple, and cast naked into the world, would immediately sink into the lowest class of society, without a hope of emerging from their obscurity ; but that the personal merit of Julian was, in some measure, independent of his fortune. Whatever had been his choice of life, by the force of intrepid courage, lively wit, and intense application, he would have obtained, we are told, or at least he would have deserved, the higheft honours of his profession ; and Julian might have raised himself to the rank of minifter, or general, of the state in which he was born a private citizen. If the jealous caprice of power had difappointed his expectations ; if he had prudently declined the paths of greatness, the employment of the fame talents in ftudious solitude, would have placed, beyond the reach of kings, his present happiness, and his immortal fame.

• When we inspect, with minute, or perhaps malevolent attention, the portrait of Julian, fomething, continues our Hiftorian, seems wanting to the grace and perfection of the whole figure. His genius was less powerful and sublime than that of Cæsar, nor did he poffefs the consummatę prudence of Augustus. The virtues of Trajan apa pear more steady, and natural ; and the philosophy of Marcas is more simple and confiftent. Yet Julian fultained adversity with firmness, and prosperity with moderation. After an interval of one hundred and twenty years from the death of Alexander Severus, the Romans beheld an emperor who made no distinction between his duties and his pleasures ; who laboured to relieve the distress, and to revive the Spirit, of his subjects; and who endeavoured always to connect authority with merit, and happiness with virtue. Even faction, and religious faction, was constrained to acknowledge the superiority of his genius, in peace as well as in war; and to confess, with a figh, that the apostate Julian was a lover of his country, and that he deserved the empire of the world.'

Mr. Gibbon goes on to observe, that a devout and fincere attachment for the gods of Athens and Rome, constituted the

* In the Misopogon (p. 338, 339.) he draws a very fingular pictare of himself, and the following words are itrangely characterittic; arros προσεθεικα τον βαθυν τετοι πωγωνα • ... ταυτα του διαθε οντων ανέχομαι των φθειρων οσπερ εν λοχμη των Ongewr. The friends of the Abbé de la Bleterie adjured him, in the name of the French nation, not to translate this passage, so offensive to their delicacy Hift. de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 94.). Like him, I have contented myself with a transient allusion; but the little animal, which Julian names, is a beast familiar to man, and fignifies love.

ruling passion of Julian'; that the powers of an enlightened understanding were betrayed and corrupted by the influence of fuperftitious prejudice, and that the phantoms which existed only in the mind of the emperor, had a real and pernicious effect on the government of the empire. But we must refer our readers to the twenty-third chapter of this Hiftory for a clear, distinct, and faithful view of the artful system by which Julian proposed to obtain the effects, without incurring the guilt, or reproach, of persecution.

Mr. Gibbon introduces the twenty-fourth chapter of his Hiftory, in the following manner. - The philosophical fable which Julian composed under the name of the Cæsars, is one of the mot agreeable and inftructive productions of ancient wit. During the freedom and equality of the days of the Saturnalia, Romulus prepared a feast for the deities of Olympus, who had adopted him as a worthy associate, and for the Roman princes, who had reigned over his martial people, and the vanquished nations of the earth. The immortals were placed in just order on their chrones of state, and the table of the Cæsars was spread below the Moon, in the upper region of the

The tyrants, who would have disgraced the fociety of gods and men, were thrown headlong, by the inexorable Nemefis, into the Tartarean abyss. The reft of the Cæfars fucceffively advanced to their seats ; and, as they passed, the vices, the defects, the blemishes of their respective characters, were maliciously noticed by old Silenus, a laughing moralift, who disguised the wisdom of a philoso, pher under the mak of a Bacchanal. As soon as the fealt was ended, the voice of Mercury proclaimed the will of Jupiter, that a celestial crown should be the reward of superior merit. Julius Cæsar, Augur. tus, Trajan, and Marcus Antoninus, were selected as the most illustri. ous candidates; the effeminate Constantine was not excluded from this honourable competition, and the great Alexander was invited to dispute the prize of glory with the Roman heroes. Each of the candidates was allowed to display the merit of his own exploits ; but, in the judgment of the gods, the modest filence of Marcus pleaded more powerfully than the elaborate orations of his haughty rivals. When the judges of this awful contest proceeded to examine the heart, and to scrutinize the springs of action, the superiority of the Imperial Stoic appeared ftill more decisive and conspicuous. Alexander and Cæsar, Auguftus, Trajan, and Constantine, acknowledged with a blush, that fame, or power, or pleasure, had been the important object of their labours : but the gods themselves beheld, with revem rence aod love, a virtuous mortal, who had practised on the throne the leffons of philosophy; and who, in a state of human imperfection, had aspired co imitate che moral attributes of the Deity. The value of this agreeable composition (the Cæsars of Julian) is enhanced by the rank of the author. A prince, who delineates with freedom the vices and virtues of his predecessors, fubfcribes, in every line, the censure or approbation of his own conduct.'

This chapter concludes with an account of the election of Jovian, and of his saving the Roman army by a disgraceful


treaty. The twenty-fifth chapter contains' an account of the government and deach of Jovian, the election of Valentinian, who associates his brother Valens, and makes the final division of the Eastern and Western einpires-the revolt of Procopius-the death of Valentinian, &c. &c.

We cannot help observing that Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the clection of Valentinian, makes use of an expression, which is highly improper, and which we are persuaded he will alter in the next edition of his History.- When Valentinian, says he, Atretched forth his hand to address the armed multitude, a busy whisper was accidentally started in the ranks, and insensibly fwelled into a loud and imperious clamour, &c.'--Such slight mistakes are, perhaps, unavoidable, in the course of a long work, and, when pointed out, are very easily rectified.

As foon as the death of Julian had relieved the Barbarians from the terror of his name, the moft sanguine hopes of rapine and conquest excited the nations of the east, of the north, and of the south. Their inroads were often vexatious, and somerimes formidable ; but during the twelve years of the reign of Valentinian, his firmness and vigilance protected his.own dominions, and his powerful genius seemed to insure and direct the feeble counsels of his brother. The method of apnals, our Author" Tays, would perhaps more forcibly express the urgent and divided cares of the two emperors,-but the attention of the reader would be distracted by a tedious and defoltory narrative. Accordingly, he takes a separate view of the five great theatres of war, Germany, Britain, Africa, the East, and the Danube, in order to impress a more distinct image of the military. Itate of the empire, under the reigns of Valentinian and Valens,

The cwenty-sixth chapter of this History (the last of the second volume) is introduced with an account of the manners of the pastoral nations, in order to illustrate the latent caufe of the destructive einigrations of the Barbarians of the north...

i The different characters that mark the civilized nations of the globe, may be ascribed, says Mr. Gibbôn; to the use, and the abule of reason; which fo varioully shapes, and to artificially compofes, the manaers and opinions of an European, or a Chinese. -Bas the operation of instinct is more sure and fimple than thae of reason : it is much easier to ascertain the appetites of x-quadruped, than the fpeculations of a philosopher; and the favage 'tribes of mankind; as they approach nearer to the condition of animals, preserve a tronger resemblance to themelves and to each other. The uniform stability of iheir manners, is the natural consequence of the imperfection of their faculties. Reduced to a similar fituation, their wants, their defires, their enjoyments, ftill continue the same: and the influence of food or climare, which, in a more improved state of sociery, is suspended, or fubdued, by fo many moral causes, most powerfully contributes to form, and to maintain, the national character of Bar


In every


barians. In every age, the immense plains of Scythia, or Tartary, have been inhabited by vagrant cribes of hunters and thepherds, whose indolence refuses to cultivate the earth, and whose restless spiric disdains the confinement of a sedentary Ife. age, the Scythians, and Tartars, have been renowned for their invincible courage, and rapid conquests. The chrones of Asia have been repeatedly overturned by the shepherds of the North; and their arms have spread terror and devastation over the most fertile and warlike countries of Europe. On this occasion, as well as on many others, the fober historian is forcibly awakened from a pleasing vision; and is compelled, with some reluctance, to confessa chat the pastoral manners, which have been adorned with the fairekt ate' tributes of peace and innocence, are much better adapted to the berce and cruel babits of a military life. To illustrate this observation, I shall now proceed to consider a Dation of thepherds and of warriors, in the three important articles of, I. Their diet; II. Their habitation; and, III, Their exercises. The narratives of antiquity are juftified by the experience of modern times; and the banks of the Borysthenes, of the Volga, or of the Selinga, will indifferently present the same uniform spectacle of similar and native

1. The corn, or even the rice, which constitutes the ordinary and wholesome food of a civilised people, can be obtained only by the patient coil of the bulbandman. Some of the happy favages, who dwell between the tropics, are plentifully nourished by the liberality of nature; but in the climates of the North, a nation of shepherds is reduced to their Aocks and herds, The skilful practitioners of the medical art will determine (if they are able to determine) how far the temper of the human nind may be affected by the use of animal, or of vegetable, food ; and whether the common association of carnivorous and cruel, deserves to be considered in any other light than that of an innocent, perhaps a falutary, prejudice of humanity. Yet if it be true, that the sentiment of compassion is imperceptibly weakened by the fight and practice of domestic cruelty, we may observe, that the horrid objects which are disguised by the arts of European refinement, are exhibited in their naked and most disgusting fimplicity, in the tent of a Tarcarean shepherd. The ox, or the sheep, are Naughtered by the same hand from which they were accustomed to receive their daily food; and the bleeding limbs are served, with very little preparation, on the cable of their unfeeling murderer. In the military profession, and especially in the conduct of a numerous army, the exclusive use of animal food appears to be productive of the most folid advantages. Corn is a bulky and perishable commodity; and the large magazines, which are indespensably necessary for the subsistence of our troops, must be slowly transported by the labour of men, or horses. But the flocks and herds, which accompany the march of the Tartars, afford a sure and encreasing supply of Aesh and milk : in the far greater part of the uncultivated walte, the vegetation of the grass is quick and luxuriant; and there are few places fo extremely barren, that che hardy cacıle of the North cannot find some tolerable pasture. The supply is mu Rev. June, 1781.



tiplied and prolonged, by the undistinguishing appetite, and patient abftinence, of the Tartars. They indifferently feed on the flesh of chose animals that have been killed for the table, or have died of disease. Horse flesh, which in every age and country has been proscribed by the civilised nations of Europe and Asia, they devour with peculiar greedinėss; and this fingular talte facilitates the success of their military operations. The active cavalry of Scythia is always followed, in their most distant and rapid incurfions, by an adequate number of spare horses, who may be occafionally used, either to redouble the speed, or to satisfy the hunger, of the Barbarians. Many are the resources of courage and poverty. When the forage round a camp of Tartars is almost consumed, they slaughter the greatest part of their cattle, and preserve the flesh, either smoked, or dried in the sun. On the sudden emergency of a hafty march, they provide themselves with a sufficient quantity of little balls of cheese, or rather of hard curd, which they occasionally dissolve in water; and this unfubftantial diet will support, for many days, the life, and even the spirits, of the patient warrior. But this extraordinary abstinence, which the Stoic would approve, and the "hermit might envy, is commonly succeeded by the most voracious indulgence of appetite. The wines of a happier climate are the most grateful present, or the most valuable commodity, that can be offered to the Tartars; and the only, example of their industry seems to conGift in the art of extracting from mare's milk a fermented liquor, which possesses a very strong power of intoxication. Like the animals of prey, the favages, both of the old and new world,' experience the alternate vicissitudes of "famine and plenty; and their stomach is inured to sustain, without much inconvenience, the opposite extremes of hunger and of intemperance,

II. In the ages of rustic and martial fimplicity, a people of soldiers and husbandmen are dispersed over the face of an extensive and cultivated country; and some time must elapse before the warlike youth of Greece or Irály could be affembled under the same standard, either to defend their own confines, or co invade the territo. ries of the adjacent tribes. The progress of manufactures and commerce insensibly collects a large multitude within the walls of a city : but these citizens are no longer soldiers; and the arts which adorn and improve the date of civil society, corrupt the habits of the military life. The pastoral manners of the Scythians seem to unite the different advantages of fimplicity and refinement. The individuals of the same tibe are constantly assembled, but they are assembled in a camp; and the native spirit of these dauntless hepherds is animated by mutual support and emulation. The houses of the Tartars are no more than small tenis, of an oval form, which afford a cold and dirty habitation, for the promiscuous youth of both sexes. The palaces of the rich consist of wooden huts, of such a fize that they may be conveniently fixed on large waggons, and drawn by a team perhaps of kwenty or thirty oxen. The flocks and herds, after grazing all day in the adjacent pastures, retire, on the approach of night, within the protection of the camp. The necesity of preventing the most mischievous confufion, in such a perpetual concourse of men and animals, must gradually introduce,

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