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For A PRI L, 1781.
Po II IICA L.
Considerations submitted to the People of Ireland, on their present Condition with regard to Trade and Conftitution. In Answer to a Pamphlet lately published, intitled, Observations on the Mutiny Bill, &c. Dublin printed, London reprinted. 8vo.
I s. 6 d. Stockdale. 1781. TN our Review for March, p. 199, we gave several specimens of
the infiammatory publication to which these considerations refer; with remarks on the mischievous tendency of the doctrines advanced in it. That the judgment we then formed is not singular, will appear by the following general reflections from the Writer now be. fore us:
• The effufion of human blood, says he, which has desolated a con. liderable part of the British empire, may in a great measure be afcribed to the effusion of political ink; and when in this country, and at this time, a pamphlet is put forth, inspiring the people with sentiments of diftrust and of discontent; endeavouring to prove to them that their trade and constitution, which had been lately en Jarged and secured in a degree exceeding the example of all former times, are again thrown back into fufpence, by the treachery and venality of the parliament; and laying before the people as matter of notoriety and unquestionable fact, the Author's own suggestions of corrupt and criminal intercourse between the Castle and persons of the first rank and confidence in the country ; exhibiting at the same time, under the affectation of general description, portraits individually characterised--fuch a publication, I say, however it might be neglected in times of national security, is now a serious matter.'
• The kingdom of Ireland is no less appendant to the Crown of England by law and constitution, than her fate is by fituation to che fortunes of Great Britain. She cannot rise or fall but with them. This appendancy of Ireland to the Crown of a greater country, in which country to the executive authority of both kingdoms, with its pomp and patronage, resides, does necessarily create, without any malicious intent, a comparative inferiority; and this comparative inferiority has unavoidably appeared upon some occasions in symptoms of partiality, no less. perhaps in point of confticution than of trade-bus does any man look for an Irish revolution ?-does any man with that Ireland were out of the protection of England ?'
Once more :
• Our most gracious fovereign, his ministers, and the British nation, must not be deceived, nor must the loyal kingdom of Ireland be traduced. Impresions concerning our people, and particularly our glorious volunteers, must not be permitted to be taken from the paintings of a man who views our political concerns through the medium of intemperate zeal; and who, impracticable himself, would give to our politics the same inflexibility which characterises his own mind. Eager to accomplish the freedom of Ireland, he feeks it in extremes, and, in the severity of an unaccommodating spirit, he lofes the
very end he would die to obtain. His arguments and his seniiments are retailed by others who have an interest in agitating the people, and who, without virtue and talents themselves, endeavour to find the road to public favogr by a light reflected from his credit.'
After these general remarks on the “ Observations," our Author enters into a particular examination of the reafoning in that publication; and this he conducts with a degree of temper that does not avail itself of the glowing colours employed by his antagonist. But after the notice we have already taken of the subject, it will be needlefs to trace an argument over again, which appears to derive more importance from the popular reputation of the pen that took it up, 'than from any other circumstance. Art. 13. State of the Finances of France, laid before the King,
by Mr. Necker, Director General of the Finances, in the Month of January, 1781. Translated from the Paris Edition, printed by Order of his Moft Chriftian Majesty. Svo. 3 s. Becket, &c. 1781.
The Public have heard much of the abilities of M. Necker, and of the flourishing ftate of the revenues of France under his manage ment. His representations, regulations, and plans, appear very fair according to his own statements; and this is the most that can be faid on a subject, the data and vouchers of which are not intimately before us. They are, however, according to report, under review at Paris ; from whence we may in due time learn, whether the finances of our most inveterate enemy are in the clear and improving condition that has often been so confidently boasted; and whether the financier is juftly intitled to the applause so liberally bestowed on him. Art. 14. A Letter from Cicero-to the Right Honourable Lord
Viscount H-e, occasioned by his late Speech in the H-e of C-s. 8vo. Bew. 1781.
Lord H-e, in the speech here alluded to, had contemptuously mentioned this Author's impeachment of his conduct, in his Letters to Catiline the Second *. This was to the Letter writer a fresh provocation; and hath, accordingly, brought on his Lordship this new attack-in which all the Author's former charges against the noble Admiral, and his brother Sir Wmamam, are repeatedly urged, with the moft severe aggravations of acrimonious expression. Some new matter of accusation is likewise brought forward (but firft started in the Letters to Catiline), viz. certain private intrigues, alleged to have taken place between his L-p and Dr. Franklin, before the Doctor left England and, consequently before the noble L-d and his Bro. ther were entrusted with the command of our naval and land forces in America: a trust which this Writer boldly charges them both with having moft flagrantly, shamefully, and wickedly betrayed.-'When,'
• See Review for last month, Art. 1. of the Catalogue.
says he, I take only a summary view + of the conduct of your Lord. thip and your Brother, the whole appears, from the beginning to the end, replete with wicked and deep intrigue against the interest and safety of your country.'-This is a dreadful charge; but it is nothing new, every public paper, and pamphlets innumerable, having rung with it for a long time past: and this active, indefatigable Writer feems determined that the alarm bell shall never be filent, while he can use his hand to pull the rope I.
Letters from a Gentleman at the West End of the Town to his
This Writer, who claims an intimate knowledge of the Dutch, blames both parties; the Dutch, for relinquishing that ancient attachment to the English, which was the foundation, and has hitherto, been the support, of their independency, for the profpect only of temporary commercial advantages ; and England, for attempting to reftrain their trade in articles not prohibited by trearies sublifting be, tween the two nations. But if the former censure is well founded, it is to little purpose to infift on our share in the deviation from mutual attachment; for what is to be expected from a people represented as so devoted to the spirit of trade, as to make every other principle give way to the balance of immediate pecuniary interest: The United Provinces are not so united in measures as in name, being under the influence of two parties; the Stadtholder's, or what may be termed the English party, and the French party, supported by means that will gain a party in any soil where factions have opportunity to thrive. The present weakness of the Stadtholder's party is evident from the impunity of the late private negotiations of the town of Amsterdam, without the concurrence of the States General; and this fact points out the necessity in all governments, of having a presiding centre of authority, under whatever name it appears, to connect the different members of a state into one consistent united power.
E A ST. IN DIE S.
der Sanction of the British Supreme Court ; and a Rescue made by
+ Cicero is sufficiently particular, in his pamphlets : Vid. the several publications commonly ascribed to Mr. G-w-y.
Cicero loves juft and legal government, because it is that by which alone the civil rights and freedom of men can be preserved ; and he detefts faction, under what name, or in what shape soever is appear, as a Hydra the most monstrous, and an enemy the most dangerous, to human freedom and happiness. . Upon this principle alone, unemployed, unsolicited, and unconnected with any party, he has opposed and exposed your faciion; and will continue to do so, while his spirit shall be permitted to interfere in the affairs of men,'
the credit of speculation. Mr. Locke is, very jullly, a first-rate au. thority in the theory of Government; yet the code of laws which he drew up for the Carolinas, would not stand the test of use; for after the Colony had experienced their inconveniency for a few years, under several amendments, the inhabitants petitioned to be caken under the protection of the Crown. A constitusion must grow with a people, like a shell with the snail, or it will never fit and protect them. Thus grew the constitution of Britain, which, with all its excellencies, is no better adapted to the banks of the Ganges, than the government of Indoftan is to the banks of the Thames. To import a strange form of government, and impose it on a grown people, will require a kind of violence similar to that which Procrusles used to his guests; all their hereditary religious and civil usages must be lopped or racked to fit it : Mahometans and Gentoos must eventually be converted into English Christians; their native casts, tribes, and other personal distinctions, with all the usages that apply to them, abrogated ; their Mosques and Temples overturned ; and above all, the doors of their Harams and Zenanas muft be thrown open!
Governor Verelft, in his valuable account of the State of Bengal, hath made fome excellent remarks on the mischievous consequences that must naturally flow from the adoption of English laws in that quarter of the world : it would, he observes, Speedily operate both to the destruction of the people, and the ruin of the government.--Vid. Monthly Review, vol. xlviii. p. 89.
The British Agents of our India Company, who are settled in the East, have a clear right to as much benefit from their native laws, as can be consistently exercised at fo remote a diftance, The Indian natives there, have their own long established laws and usages; and these are sufficient for their use, and for ours, too, so far as we have introduced ourselves among them. But to subject these poor natives to the jurisdiction and processes of an English provincial court, is to lock their feelings in every instance, beyond the power of the most rapacious European adventurer that ever extracted a princely fortune from that unhappy country. It is letting loose a swarm of legal harpies, in the character of attornies and their myrmi. dons, the refuse of the profession at home, velted with powers to take full discretional advantage of ignorance, astonishment, and terror!
Such at least is the result of the best information transmitted to us of the operation of the Supreme Court of Judicature lately established in the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa : and which, by being extended over all the natives connected with, or transacting business under, the East India Company's establishments there, is by construction ftretched to che utmost extent. So that when, in dubious cases, an Indian has been seized by process, conveyed a long journey from his business and family to Calcutta, put to great expence, and, after much loss of time, is declared to be exempt from the jurisdiction; what ensues ? He is dismissed indeed, and is happy to return home without thinking of what is frequently imposible to procure,
On recollection, we believe that the sufferers on the bed of Procruftes were not his guests, but such strangers as were unhappy enough to fall into the hands of that tyrant,
indemnification. A fpirit of litigation is encouraged among the people; those who have been cast in their own courts, or in the Mayor's. court at Calcutta, are invited to prosecute appeals in this Supreme Court; so that this court is, by swift ftrides, swallowing up every jurisdiction round it: the meanest Indians are stimulated to take revenge on their superiors for usages that were never esteemed criminal among them until made fo by introducing and enforcing British laws; which, as interlopers, we have no right to attempt, and, however we may spread distraction among them, never can accomplish. What, as an able representation against this measure expresses it, muft a judge, sworn to execute law, do, if an Indian or Mahometan wife Thould be instructed to sue out a habeas corpus to release her from confinement; or on any domestic quarrel to demand fureties of the peace against her husband? What would be the consequences, if profecutions should be instituted for bigamy, or for inheritances that may bring this practice in question?
The pamphlet now under confideration is a defence of the conduct of Samuel Peat, who united in his own person, at Dacca, the profefe. fion of an attorney, and the offices of deputy sheriff, and master extraordinary in chancery ; by the inconsistent combination of which cha. racters he is enabled to make the most of them. The story of the arrest is briefly this, according to other representations : An Indian watchman of a village had been prosecuted by one of his countrymen in the Indian court at Dacca for some misdemeanor, and sentenced to fine and imprisonment. On recovering his liberty, he, by advice, commenced an action in the Supreme English court against Jagger... naut, treasurer of the court at Dacca, for false imprisonnient, ftating his damages at 1200 1. English. A writ issued from Calcutta was : sent to be executed at Dacca by Peat; who commissioned his men to arreit Jaggernaut while fitting in court. This infult produced a riot, in which fome Indians were wounded, and during which Jaggernaut escaped. On the alarm of the disturbance, Peat arrived, and with: his pistol shot Jaggernaut's son-in-law; who fortunately however did not, die of the wound, Peat in his narrative represents it as a legal arrest and a violent rescue; and gives a detail of his disputes with Mr. Rous, the Revenue Chief at Dacca (now in England), and his provincial Council, relative to his powers, which has thrown the whole province, natives and English, into the utmost distraction.
This affair is now taken onder consideration of the British Parliament, from whose wisdom it is ardently to be hoped the quiet of the provincial government there may be secured, and the natives prorected in their own laws and usages from the interference of a foreign jurisdiâion, as much as possible; this appearing to be the best line for reaping the advantages.of fo remote an establishment with security, Art. 17. A Journal of the March of the Bombay Detachment,
across the Mahratta Country, from Culpee to Surat, in 1778; commanded by Lieut. Colonel Goddard. Together with the Proceedings of the Bombay Army, under Colonel Egerton, in their March towards Poonah. With a Sketch of Colonel Goddard's Route,
2 s. 6 d. Faden. These meagre details may be somewhat interesting to those who are acquainted with the Mahratta country, and with the transactions