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CONNECTICUT STATE TEACHERS' ASSOCIATION.
The twenty-fourth annual meeting of this association was held in New Haven, October 20 and 21, 1870. Exercises were conducted by Hon. Joseph White, secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education, Professor R. G. Hibbard, H. E. Sawyer, principal of the Middletown High School, I. N. Carlton, A. M., N. C. Pond, esq., Professor B. Jepson, Professor E. Tourjee, S. M. Capron, principal of the Hartford High School, and Miss Emma M. Goldthwaite. The subjects presented and discussed included, among others, the following: Drawing in the common schools of the State; incentives in school government; language exercises, or, practical grammar in common schools ; high-school examinations and the direction they give to grammar-school work; relation of parents and teachers; the teacher's moral power, &c.
At the conclusion of an address on “ The progress of university education, delivered by Dr. J. W. Hoyt, of Wisconsin, before the National Teachers' Association, at Trenton, New Jersey, on the 20th of August, 1869, the following resolution, offered by Professor A. J. Rickoff, of Ohio, was unanimously adopted, to wit:
Resolved, That, in the opinion of this association, a great American university is a leading want of American education, and that, in order to contribute to the early establishment of such an institution, the president of this association, acting in concert with the president of the National Superintendents' Association, is hereby requested to appoint a committee consisting of one member from each of the States, and of which Dr. J. W. Hoyt, of Wisconsin, shall be chairman, to take the whole matter under consideration, and to make such report thereon, at the next annual convention of said associations, as shall seem to be demanded by the interests of the country.
A committee was appointed in accordance with the resolution, but, owing to some. oversight, official notice of the appointments did not reach the chairman of the committee until so near the date of the succeeding convention that a general correspondence with the members thereof was found impracticable. Accordingly, it was very properly resolved by the committee to make a preliminary report only at the Cleveland convention, and leave it to the association to determine whether they should continue their labors.
Pursuant to this decision, the chairman of the committee, on the 17th of August, 1870, submitted the following
Notwithstanding the many and various uses heretofore made of the term university, it may be assumed, without fear of successful contradiction, that the leading offices of a true university are these :
1. To provide the best possible facilities for the highest and most profound culture in every department of learning.
2. To provide the means of a thorough preparation for all such pursuits in life as, being based upon established scientific and philosophic principles, are entitled to rank as professions.
3. To exert a stimulating and elevating influence upon every subordinate class and grade of educational institutions by holding up þefore the multitude of their pupils the standards of the highest scholarship, and by preparing for their administrative and instructional work, officers and teachers of a higher grade of qualifications than would be otherwise possible.
4. To enlarge the boundaries of human knowledge by means of the researches and investigations of its professors, as well as by the researches and investigations of other advanced minds, encouraged to a greater activity and led to greater achievements by the influence of the university example.
In so far as any institution, whatever its name or fame, fails in the fulfillment of this general mission, by so much does it fall short of the standard of a true university. That these offices of the university are of vast importance is so apparent as not to require demonstration. No people can justly claim to be in the highest sense civilized whose aspiring youths are compelled to turn their backs upon the best-furnished schools of their own country, because they fail to provide the facilities elsewhere afforded, and requisite to a mastery of important branches of study. No government is faithful to the interests of its people that does not, in some way, secure to them equal and the best possible advantages for gaining a thorongh knowledge of the principles that underlie the several leading pursuits in life. No nation can possibly maintain a system of popular education worthy of a great and free people which does not place at its head an institution or class of institutions potent enough, by virtue of its own exalted character, to exert a controlling and elevating influence upon the whole series of schools of inferior rank. No people of intellectual'onergy and genius may hope for the approval of God and the enlightened portion of mankind which does not make its full contribution to the advancement of knowledge.
If these several declarations as to the mission of the university, and the importance of that mission, be true, then it is a logical conclusion that no competent nation may stand acquitted before its own conscience and the onlightened judgment of the world until it can point to one such center of original investigation and educational power.
It is not deemed necessary in this connection, by a presentation of facts so abundant on every hand, to make proof of the absolutely deplorable condition of higher education everywhere in the New World, and that we have, as yet, no near approach to a real university in America--a statement which no well-informed citizen will venturo to deny-a fact freely acknowledged and bewailed by the responsible heads of the very highest of all our higher institutions.
Nor do your committee deem it important to show the relative inferiority of our foremost institutions by mortifying comparisons of them with those intellectual centers, the Universities of Paris, Turin, Vienna, and Berlin-themselves still incomplete in that they simply include the old faculties, regardless of the equal claims of the new professions-each with its grand cluster of some two hundred professors, of whom many are the ablest and most brilliant men of the age, and each provided, moreover, with an array of libraries, cabinets, museums, laboratories, and other auxiliaries, of the vastness and richness of which the struggling student in the American college can have but little conception. Facts upon which such comparisons might be based have long been before the country. It will soon come to be known by our people, and the sooner the better, that in respect of higher education we are about the lowest in the scale of the nations making any pretensions to civilization.
Surely further evidence is not needed of our serious, and, we may now add, shameful deficiency in this regard.
If it be asked whether the conditions necessary to the establishment and maintenance of a true university are found in this country, our reply is, Where else on the earth do they exist if not here? Not in the Old World certainly, where the existing universities, founded, many of them, during the Dark Ages, and all of them more or less in the interest of class, would be reformed with great difficulty and only after changes should first have been wrought in the civil institutions and in the very constitution of society itself. But here in America, where only in all the world just ideas of fraternity and equality have place and are kindly cherished; where the elements of society and of all classes of institutions are yet plastic; where there are no crystallized, much less fossilized, educational systems to be overturned and got rid of; where, on the other hand, there is an open field and a hopeful groping for the right way; nay, more, where individual philanthropists and both State and National Governments are ready with vast resources, growing vaster every day, to join in the work of laying its deep and broad foundations, what hinders that here we begin at once the upbuilding of a university commensurate with the greatness of our country and the needs of the times?
In the early history of America the circumstances were a sufficient excuse for low standards of general and professional education. But the period of infancy and poverty has been passed. We are at this moment a rich and powerful nation. Moreover, the opinion is coming to be universal that this is a nation of great destinies. And whó that looks at the democratic character of our institutions, reared as a sublime example in the face of all the doubting and jealous nations of the world; at the strange heterogeneousness of a population gathered from every clime under heaven, speaking in all the babbling tongues of earth, bound together by no common bond of historic associations, and cherishing the most diverse and conflicting views of social, religious, and political institutions; at the undeveloped resources of a territory already vast, and yet increasing with a rapidity that promises, within the lifetime of the coming generation, to embrace the entire continent; at the unparalleled activity and resistless energy of this wonderful mosaic of peoples, destined, ere the close of this century, to number one hundred millions—who, that looks at all these conditions of national life, can resist the conviction that we have indeed a sublime mission to fulfill, and that we have need even now of a keener and more far-seeing intelligence; of a profounder knowledge of the sciences, material, intellectual, social, and political; of a more substantial, allpervading virtue; in short, of a deeper, higher, and more comprehensive culture than the world has hitherto seen or even recognized as essential to any of the other great nations, past or present?
Language is powerless to convey an adequate idea of the rapidity with which the thoughts, tendencies, and purposes of the American people are all the while forming, changing, and shifting to adapt themselves to new exigencies. The very elements, social and political, are in a ceaseless ferment. Circumstances and conditions, which the most sagacious fail to anticipate, are daily arising to test the intellectual power and conscience of the nation. We repeat it, no nation had ever such need of discip
lined mind to lead in the development of its resources and to guide its intellectual energies; none such need of moral power to correct its necessarily strong material tendencies and steadily hold it up to a noble and lofty ideal.
If, therefore, it is in truth, as we have assumed, one important office of the university to supply such discipline and such correcting and elevating power, what stronger argument could be framed for the founding and liberal sustaining of one such institution in this country high enough in range to meet the demands of the most exalted ambition, and broad enough to answer the needs of every profession?
We could hardly hope for more than one at least for a long time to come, for it must needs be supplied with a multitude of able professors, covering not only the whole range of letters, pure science, and philosophy, together with the several fields of the time-honored professions, but also the yet more numerous and, for a time, more difficult ones of the new professions; a great and choice library, such as this country does not yet possess; and a large number of thoroughly furnished laboratories, museums, and other costly scientific establishments. But then one such university in America would at once become a power, influential alike in furthering and directing our material development, in elevating the character of all the lower educational institutions of the country, and in awakening and sustaining higher conceptions of both individual and national culture; thus helping us, by a happy combination of our own more than Roman energy and religious faith witń the grace and refinement of the Greek civilization, to become a nation fully worthy of the future that awaits us.
It would do more, vastly more than this. It would supply to all lands a most important need of the times, a university placed under the benign influence of free civil and religious institutions, and sublimely dedicated to the diffusion and advancement of all knowledge. Students of high aspirations, and even ripe scholars of genius, would eventually flock to its halls from every quarter of the globe, adding to the intellectual wealth of the nation should they remain, or bearing with them scions froin the tree of liberty for planting in their native lands. And thus America, already the most marvelous theater of material activities, would early become the world's recognized center of intellectual culture as well as of moral and political power.
It is not assumed that this ideal is capable of realization within a single year, nor in ten years; for if the pecuniary means were at hand, the maturing of wise plans, the preparation of teachers through protracted foreign study, and the labor of organization and material establishment would require at least one decade. It would be a glorious consummation if on the one hundredth anniversary of our national independence it should even be permitted us to announce to the world that the first great steps insuring the early establishment of the long-hoped-for American university had already been taken. The ideal here presented in rude outline, or some other more perfect ideal, is capable of realization; and, in the things of intellectual culture and social advancement, whatsoever is possible, that it is the moral duty of the individual, society, or the Government, or these several forces combined, to undertake.
Whether the institution contemplated should be an entirely new one, founded in a new place, or whether some one of the few institutions that have already made such noble beginnings of high educational work should rather be made the nucleus around which the earnest friends of university education of every section should rally for its upbuilding; whether it should be what the Italians mean by a free university, or whether the Government, State or National, should have part in its management-these are questions upon which there must necessarily be differences of opinion.
But be the diversity of views as to the precise character of the institution, the place of its location, and the mode of its constitution and government what it may, upon the primary question of whether we will have a university in America somewhere, and at the earliest possible day, there should be no difference of opinion.
There is one other question, moreover, that may be settled now. It may be safely assumed in advance that the founding and endowing of the institution is a work in which it will be necessary for the citizen, the State, and the General Government to unite; for it will cost millions of money, and require the careful guidance of the wisest scholars and statesmen the land can afford. And who doubts that all these forces—the people, the State, and the National Government-will respond if the scholars, the active laborers in the cause of education, and the leading statesmen of the country, with one voice demand it?
When, a few years since, the men of work asked help of the nation for the endowment of schools for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts, the Government, with a liberal hand, gave for this noble object ten million acres of the public domain, to which the individual States and great-hearted men have added no less liberal means. How much more then, proportionally, will our statesmen in council and liberal patriots yield for the foundation and maintenance of one great central institution, to be established in the interest of every profession and all classes of schools; of a profound and universal culture; of a more perfect intellectual and social development of the whole body of the nation, in the interest of liberty and universal man!
In the opinion of your committee, the attention of the association has not been called to this subject a moment too soon. The trial of its political institutions through which the American nation has just passed; the manner in which the necessity for education as the only guarantee for the perpetuity of those institutions has just been burned into the national consciousness; the pressing demand made by our material and social conditions for the best educational facilities the world can furnish; and the fast accumulating evidence that America is surely destined to a glorious leadership in the grand march of the nations—all these constitute an appeal to action which it were criminal to disregard. The necessity is great. The country and the times are ripe for the undertaking.
The questions that remain for our discussion relate to the very important subject of definite ways and means. For the proper consideration and satisfactory solution of these, your committee have found it necessary to pray for an extension of the time allotted them. Respectfully submitted.
J. W. HOYT, Chairman.
In compliance with the request of the committee, further time was granted, in the hope that at the next annual convention they will be enabled to submit a plan for an organized movement looking to the early establishment of some such institution as the one foreshadowed in their preliminary report. The committee consists of the following gentlemen : Dr.
J. W. Hoyt, chairman, Wisconsin; Hon. N. B. Cloud, Montgomery, Alabama; Hon. Thomas Smith, Little Rock, Arkansas; Prof. W. P. Blake, San Francisco, California; Hon. B. G. Northrup, New Haven, Connecticut; Prof. L. Coleman, Wilmington, Delaware; Hon. C. T. Chase, Tallahasse, Florida :
Georgia ; Hon. Newton Bateman, Springfield, Illinois ; Hon. B. C. Hobbs, Indianapolis, Indiana; Hon. A. S. Kissel, Des Moines, Iowa ; Hon. P. McVickar, Topeka, Kansas; Hon. Z. T. Smith, Frankfort, Kentucky; Hon. T. W. Conway, New Orleans, Louisiana ; Hon. Warren Johnson, Augusta, Maine; Hon. M. A. Newell, Baltimore, Maryland; Hon. Joseph White, Boston, Massachusetts; Hon. 0. Hesford, Lansing, Michigan ; Prof. W. F. Phelps, Winona, Minnesota ; Dr. Daniel Read, Columbia, Missouri ; Prof. J. M. McKinsey, Peru, Nebraska ; Hon. A. N. Fisher, Carson City, Nevada ; Hon. Amos Hardy, Concord, New Hampshire; Hon. C. A. Apgar, Trenton, New Jersey; Hon. J. W. Bulkley, Brooklyn, New York; Hon. S. S. Ashley, Raleigh, North Carolina ; Prof. A. J. Rickoff
, Cleveland, Ohio; Rev. Geo. H. Atkinson, Portland, Oregon; Hon. J. P. Wickersham, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; Hon. T. W. Bicknell, Providence, Rhode Island : Hon. J. K. Jillson, Charleston, South Carolina ; Rev. C. T. P. Bancroft, Lookout Mountain, Tennessee; Hon. J. S. Adams, Montpelier, Vermont; Hon. Wm. H. Ruffin, Richmond, Virginia; Prof. Z. Richards, Washington, District of Columbia.
SOCIETY, CRIME, AND CRIMINALS. Under this heading Rev. Fred. H. Wines contributed a recent article to the New York Independent, giving some account of the proceedings of the late meeting at Cincinnati, called “The Prison Congress,” or “ National Congress on Penitentiary and Reformatory discipline.” This began its sessions on the 12th of October, and continued until the evening of Tuesday, the 18th. There were 230 delegates present, from twenty-two States of the Union, including Maine, California, and South Carolina; and among them were two governors, (Hayes, of Ohio, and Baker, of Indiana,) one exgovernor, (Haines, of New Jersey,) fourteen wardens, twenty-three superintendents of reform schools, fourteen chaplains, five prison surgeons, and four mations. There are in the United States forty State prisons, twenty-five houses of correction, and thirty reform schools. These were all very fully represented. Two social science associations, and six State boards of charity sent representatives, and ten governors who could not be present sent deputies.
Hon. Speaker Blaine being unable to carry out his engagement to preside over the congress, by the death of his friend and neighbor, Governor Cony, Governor Hayes was chosen permanent chairman, and Rev. Dr. Peirce, of New York, Z. R. Brockway, of Michigan, Rev. A. G. Byers, of Ohio, and Rev. Joshua Coit, of Massachusetts, were chosen secretaries; and Charles F. Coffin, of Indiana, treasurer.
There were thirty-two different papers read, and more or less fully discussed. These, as we understand, will all be published in book form, together with a synoptical report of the discussions. The points eliciting most debate were: The comparative merits of the congregate and family systems in reformatories; the effect upon reformation of aiming at the highest pecuniary results in prisons; the principle of indeterminate sentences-i. c., of sentences of imprisonment until reformation; the admission of women to labor among male prisoners for their reformation; the Irish system, especially the ticket-of-leave; the comparative efficiency of prison restraint-with or without walls; and the responsibility of parents for the full or partial support of their chil. dren when in reformatories.
There was a very general concurrence of opinion as to the true principles of prison disciplino; all agreed that the true end of discipline is the diminution of crime, and the reformation of the criminal; and that reformation cannot be secured by any single instrumentality. The spirit of the meeting was warm, earnest, unselfish, resolute, with an utter absence of sectarian or partisan feeling, well illustrated by the incident of a Quaker reading the essay of an absent Roman Catholic. A platform was adopted, which is to be scattered over the country in the newspapers and in tract form.
The most salient of the principles of this platform relate to the reformatory character to be impressed on prison discipline; the progressive classification of prisoners, based on character; the evils of political appointments, and of fluctuating administration; the professional training of prison officers; the substitution of reformation for the time sentences; the injurious effect of degradation as a part of punishment; the necessity for industrial training in prisons; and the supreme necessity of a central authority sitting at the helm, guiding, controlling, unifying, vitalizing the whole.
On motion of Governor Baker, it was decided to organize a national prison association, and a committee of eleven was appointed to prepare a plan of organization, and to secure the passage of an act of incorporation. The committee are Governor Hayes, of Ohio; Hon. James G. Blaine, of Maine; Governor Baker, of Indiana ; ex-Governor Haines, of New Jersey; Hon. Theodore W. Dwight and General Amos Pillsbury, of New York; F. B. Sanborn, of Massachusetts; Z. R. Brockway, of Michigan ; Charles F. Coffin, of Indiana ; Hon. G. W. Welcker, of North Carolina; and Dr. E. W. Hatch, of Connecticut.
The national association will make the necessary arrangements for the international congress on penitentiary and reformatory discipline, which it was decided to call to meet, probably in London, in 1872.
The Chinese migration to this country is now presenting to every considerate mind problems of the most engaging interest. Its political and moral aspects especially command the earnest, attention of the statesman and the philanthropist. The movement has the appearance now of being but germinal ; it is diminutive, almost insignificant, so as to escape the observation of the mass of men; it yet gives the promise of swelling into dimensions, and branching out into relations of the grandest and most vital importance. The little rill just rippling from the fountain, it may now by gentlest touches of kindness and wisdom be turned in directions, where it shall irrigate and nourish our most precious possessions, while, if it be left to itself, it may prove in its coming volume and strength to be mighty only to desolate and destroy. It is none too early to turn toward it the most careful observation and the wisest forecast. What are the facts which it presents and with which we have to deal in solving the great problems it brings to us? what are the results which should be aimed at in dealing with it? and what is the method of attaining these results? These are the three leading questions demanding careful consideration from every American citizen and philanthropist.
1.-FACTS TO BE DEALT WITH.
The first thing that arrests the attention in this movement is its prospectire magnitude.
NUMBERS OF CHINESE IMMIGRANTS.
The federal statistics exhibit the character of this immigration up to the present time in the following particulars: The arrivals returned are in 1820 to 1830, ten years, 3; 1831 to 1840, ten years, 8; 1841 to 1850, ten years, 35; 1851 to 1860, ten years, 41,397; 1861 to 1868, eight years, 41,214; 1869, one year, 14,902; 1870 to June 30, six months, 7,347.
The aggregate of arrivals thus returned is 105,744. If from this total of arrivals there be deducted the number of deaths and returns to China, it would appear that there were considerably less than 100,000 Chinamen in the country on the 30th of June last.
The rate of increase of immigration may be more definitely estimated from the numbers returned for each of the last four years ending June 30, which wero, in 1867,3,519; in 1868, 6,707 ; in 1869, 12,874; in 1870, 15,740.
The immigration has been chiefly of males. But the returns for the later periods show a noteworthy increase in the arrivals of females. In the year ending June 30,