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had a particular deference paid to them on that account, Matt. ii. 4. "And when he had gathered all the chief priests and scribes of the people together, he demanded of them where Christ should be born?-For he taught them as one having authority, and not as the scribes," chap. vii. 39. A passage or two of Josephus will explain these men's characters. Whilst he (Herod in his last sickness) lay ' under these disorders, there happened a tumult among the 'people. There were in the city two sophists [or rabbies] 'who were reckoned exceeding skilful in the laws of their country, and for that reason were highly honoured throughout the whole nation, Judas the son of Sepphoraus, ' and Matthias the son of Margalus. Not a few of the young men frequented them to hear them interpret the laws, and they had with them every day an army of the 'youth.'d

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Of this same affair he speaks thus in his Antiquities. There were Judas the son of Sariphæus, and Matthias the 'son of Margalothus, men who had the most persuasive elo6 quence of any among the Jews, and were eminent inter'preters of the laws, and were dear to the people because they taught the youth. These were daily frequented by 'those who gave themselves to the study of virtue.'

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Whether there be any difference between lawyers and scribes, or whether they are words perfectly synonymous, I cannot say. Perhaps some were chiefly employed in the schools, and others usually spoke in public synagogues.

IV. It ought to be observed, that Josephus has given an account of a third sect among the Jews which were called Essenes and on the other hand there is a sort of men spoken of in the gospels of which Josephus has taken no notice, namely, the Herodians.

As for the Herodians, they (or their leaven) are not often mentioned in the New Testament; I think not above four times in all the gospels, Matt. xxii. 16. Mark iii. 6. viii. 15. xii. 13. What their particular tenets were does not appear to me, and I suppose it is not necessary I should set down here all the conjectures of learned men concerning

* Δυο ησαν σοφισαι κατα την πολιν, μαλιτα δοκώντες ακριβεν τα πατρια, και δια τετο εν απαντι τῳ εθνει μεγιστης ηξιωμενοι δόξης, Ιωδας τε υιος Σεπφωραις, και Ματθίας ετερος Μαργαλε τέτοις εκ ολίγοι προσήεσαν των νεων εξηγέμενος τες νόμες, και συνηγον ὁσημεραι των ήβώντων τρατοTedov De B. J. lib. i. cap. 33. sect. 2. • Ιεδαίων λογιώτατοι,

και παρ' ούς τινας των πατριων εξηγηται νόμων, ανδρες και δημῳ προσφιλεις δια παιδείαν τε νεωτερω ὁσημεραι γαρ διημερευον αυτοις παντες οις προσποίησις aperηs etterηdeveto Antiq. lib. xvii. cap. 6. sect. 2.

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them. They might be a subdivision or branch of one of the other sects, either of the pharisees or sadducees: or if they were properly a distinct sect from the rest, it might be a character that subsisted but a short time, at least under that name. From the time that prophecy ceased among the Jews new sects were continually arising. There were two disciples of Antigonus Sochæus that were the authors of two new sects: Sadoc of the sect of the sadducees; Baithos, or Bathus, the author likewise of a new sect which had its name from him, and which is mentioned in the Gemara, though not in Josephus. There was likewise at this time a division in the sect of the pharisees, some following Hillel and others Shammai. The followers of Judas of Galilee were at first but a small portion of the pharisees; in time they swallowed up almost all the other parties. Josephus, who so often says that the sects of the Jews are three, once or twice calls Judas of Galilee the leader or head of a fourth sect. The reason of his not always distinguishing these from the rest was, I imagine, because they differed from the pharisees only in some few particulars. So that one and the same writer, who has professedly reckoned up the Jewish sects according to different ways of considering them, makes sometimes more and sometimes fewer: much more may two different writers, though they write professedly of this matter, which the evangelists have not done.

And after all, perhaps, these Herodians were never properly a distinct sect. Mr. Basnage, and others, suppose they were some of the officers of Herod, tetrarch of Galilee, which came up to Jerusalem at the feasts, and who were more devoted to the interests of the emperor than some of the Jews and therefore the pharisees persuaded some of them to go along with their own disciples, when they sent them to our Saviour with the question concerning the lawfulness of tribute. Their leaven might comprise several things. Mr. Basnage supposes, that one thing meant by it, might be a conformity to Roman customs in some points which were forbidden the Jews.1 If this was the case, it is

not strange, that they are not particularly mentioned by Josephus among the Jewish sects.

f Vid. St. Hieron. Matt. xxii. 15, 16. Prid. Conn. Part. ii. Book v. Reland. Ant. Heb. p. 242, 263. Clerici Prolegom. ad Hist. Ecc. p. 15.

& Vid. Reland, ubi supra, p. 262.

Part. ii. Book viii. at the beginning.

* Vid. Poli Synops. Matt. xxii. 16.

h See Dr. Prideaux's Connect.

i Ant. lib. xvii. p. 794. in.

Ecc. Vol. i. p. 293. n. 5. p. 318. n. 16. et passim.

1 Vid. Basnage, Ann. Polit.

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The late learned Albert Fabricius supposed, that the Herodians mentioned in the gospels, were the courtiers and soldiers of Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee; and that the name Herodians no more denotes a sect, than Cæsareans and Pompeians, or any such like name would do. And he cites a passage of St. Jerom, which deserves to be remarked : who even banters those, who thought the Herodians were men who believed Herod the Great to be the Christ.

V. As for the Essenes not being mentioned by the evangelists, it was not their design to write the history of the Jewish sects, but of our Saviour's ministry. And it is likely this did not lead them to take any particular notice of them. They were not very numerous. Josephus computes their number at about four thousand; but I think, he means only those of them that entirely rejected marriage." Philo says, that in Syria and Palestine there were about four thousand of them." As they were not very numerous, so they lived very retired. Philo says, they sacrificed no living creatures, and that they shunned cities. P Josephus says, they sent presents to the temple, but offered no sacrifice there. They seem not therefore to have come much abroad; and they would not admit a man of another sect into the apartments in which they lived. In order to be admitted among them, a year's probation was required without doors, that it might be seen whether a person could bear their way of life." The sect itself is divided into four classes, according to ⚫ the time of their initiation. And the younger are reckoned so much inferior than the elder, that if any of these do but 'touch one of a junior class, they wash themselves, just as

m Herodem magnum tribuisse nomen sectæ Herodianorum contendunt viri doctissimi, præeunte Epiphanio, hæresi, xx. et Niceta, lib. 1. Thesauri, c. 34. Verum Herodiani, Matt. xxii. 16. Marc. iii. 6. xii. 13, fuere ministri vel milites Herodis Antipæ, qui Johannem Baptistam interfecit, et Herodis magni filius fuit. Nec magis hæresin vel sectam significat ibi hoc nomen, quam Cæsareanorum, Pompeianorum, et similia. S. Hieronymus, ad Matt. xxii. Mittunt igitur Pharisæi discipulos suos cum Herodianis, id est, militibus Herodis; seu quos illudentes Pharisæi, quia Romanis tributa solvebant, Herodianos vocabant, et non divino cultui deditos. Quidam Latinorum ridicule Herodianos putant, qui Herodem Christum esse credebant; quod nusquam omnino legimus.' Vid. Fabric. ad Philastr. de Hær. cap. 28. n P. 793. • Quod omnis Probus liber, p. 876, C. D. » Ου ζωα καταθυοντες" Ibid. 4. Εις δε το ιερον αναθηματα τε σελλοντες, θυσίας ουκ επιτελεσι' κ. τ. λ. Antiq. l. xviii. cap. 1. sect. 5.

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* Και μετα ταυτην την αγνείαν εις ιδιον οικημα συνιασιν, ενθα μηδενι των ETEрodoŽOV εTITETρаπтаι жарελÕεiv. De Bell. lib. ii. cap. 8. p. 1061. v. 25.

Τῳ δε ζηλέντι την αίρεσιν αυτών εκ ευθύς ή παροδος, αλλ' επ' ενιαυτον εξω μενοντι την αυτην ὑποτιθενται διαιταν. Joseph. ibid. p. 1062. ν. 18.

'they would do if they had conversed with a stranger of 'another nation.'t

Is it any wonder, that the evangelists had no particular occasion to mention this private set of men in writing the life of our Saviour? John xviii. 19, 20, “The high priest then asked Jesus, of his disciples and of his doctrine. Jesus answered him; I spake openly to the world, I ever taught in the synagogue, and the temple, whither the Jews always resort and in secret have I said nothing." This is one of the glories of our Saviour's character, as it is our very great happiness, that what he said and did was public. These men would not come to him; and it would have been a disparagement for him to have gone to them. It is, I think, a just observation of Dr. Prideaux, that almost all that is peculiar in this sect, is condemned by Christ and his apostles.' And that is sufficient for us.

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Sir John Marsham has strongly represented the obscurity of this sect in a passage, which I shall place in the margin.

VI. We may not improperly subjoin the Samaritans to the Jewish sects.

In the discourse that passed between our Saviour and the woman of Samaria, she tells him," our fathers worshipped in this mountain," John iv. 20. And Josephus says, that 'mount Gerizim (the same the woman here speaks of) is by them esteemed the most sacred of all mountains.'"

The Jews and Samaritans appear to have had a very great aversion and contempt for each other. John iv. 5–9, "Then cometh he to a city of Samaria. Now Jacob's well was there. There cometh a woman to draw water. Jesus saith unto her, Give me to drink. For his disciples were gone away unto the city to buy meat. Then saith the woman of Samaria unto him, How is it, that thou, being a

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Διηρηνται δε, κατα χρονον ασκησεως, εις μοιρας τεσσαρας και τοσέτον οι μεταγενέτεροι των προγενεστερων ελλαττονται, ώτε ει ψαυσειαν αυτών, εκείνες απολύεσθαι καθαπερ αλλόφυλῳ συμφυρεντας. Ibid p. 1063. ν. 32-34. " Connect. Part ii. Book v. p. 364. * Esseni autem παρωνυμοι ὁσιότητος, a sanctitate nominati, κωμωδον οικεσι, τας πόλεις εκτρεπόμενοι, vicatim habitant, urbes fugiunt. Philo, Probus liber, p. 876. C. D. Gens sola, sine ulla fœminâ, sine pecuniâ, socia palmarum. Plin. l. v. c. 17. a populorum frequentiâ separata; adeo ut non mirum sit, tantum esse de iis silentium in Evangeliis, cum essent illi Hierosolymis peregrini et ignoti. Neque rabbinorum quispiam eorum Hebraice meminit, ante Zacuthium, scriptorem nuperum. [A. D. 1500.] Marsh. Can. Chr. Sæc. ix. p. 157, 158. Franeq. 1696. * Κελεύων επι το Γαρίζειν ορος αυτῳ συνελθεῖν, ὁ αγνότατον TE AVTOL OOWY Vжεληπтα. Antiq. lib. xviii. cap. 5. sect. 1.

Jew, askest drink of me which am a woman of Samaria? for the Jews have no dealings with the Samaritans.

It seems that the Jews were wont to take up provisions at their own cost of the Samaritans, as they passed through their country; and therefore the disciples made no scruple to go into the city to buy what they wanted. And it is likely, that as Judea and Samaria were now both under one and the same government, namely that of the Romans, there was so good order preserved, that necessary accommodations should not be ordinarily refused any travellers, upon their paying the full value of them. But these people scorned to ask or receive a favour of each other, even so small a kindness as a draught of water. Our Lord did not think himself bound by the rules they followed, as he was not moved by the passions with which they were possessed. But this woman was not a little surprised, that He, being a Jew, should ask drink of her that was a Samaritan.

They all knew how they stood affected to each other. The enmity betwixt them must have been the greatest that can be conceived. Doubtless those Jews gave our Saviour the most opprobrious language, which the most furious resentment could suggest, when "they said unto him, Say we not well, that thou art a Samaritan, and hast a devil?" John viii. 48.

It is certain, the animosity between these people had ever been very great, and new affronts and injuries had increased it about this time. Josephus has related a particular provocation, which the Samaritans gave the Jews, A. D. 8, or 9.

When Coponius governed in Judea, an affair happened 'that deserves to be mentioned. At the feast of unleavened 'bread, which we call the passover, it was the custom of the 'priests to set open the gates of the temple at midnight. Soon after they had been opened, some Samaritans, who had come privately into Jerusalem, entered in and threw 'dead men's bones in the porticoes; for which reason the 'priests ever after guarded the temple more strictly.'

The conversation which our Lord had with the woman of * Cuthæi Cæsarienses interrogaverunt R. Ahhuc. Patres vestri usi sunt patribus nostris: vos igitur quare non utimini nobis? Dixit ipsis, Patres vestri non corruperunt opera sua: vos corrupistis opera vestra. Talm. Hieros. apud Buxtorf, Lex. Thalm. p. 1370. * Κωπωνις δε την Ιεδαίαν διεποντος,

ταδε πράσσεται, των αζύμων της εορτής αγόμενης, ἣν Πασχα καλεμεν, εκ μεσης νυκτος εν εθει τοις ιερεύσιν ην ανοιγνύναι το ιερό της πυλώνας· και τότε εν επει το πρωτον γίνεται ἡ ανοιξις αυτών, ανδρες Σαμαρειται, κρυφα εις Ιεροσολυμα ελθοντες, διαρρίψιν ανθρωπειων οξέων εν ταις ταις ποιένται. Antiq. lib. xviii. cap. 2. sect. 2.

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