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תרף

rubim : for the true meaning of which word, we refer to the Article upon Dr. Taylor's Concordance, in July Review.]

Our Enquirer next gives a derivation of Teraphim, which derivation he calls his own; and which he introduces with some degree of vanity, or, to use his own words, with

as much real deference (before the public) as they who ! sound the trumpet before them, and their own great humimility and candour*.' But as this Writer is no ftranger to Gulfetius, he should have known, that Teraphim is derived by him from the same word with an (e);' or from 1, turpitude. But others derive it from in the Syriac to consult or enquire. Others from tarafa, in Arabic, to afford plenty of the necessaries and conveniences of life. In this sense the Teraphim will be the same with the Penates. The fame word in Arabic fignifies also, to deceive. See Golius, Col. 378, and the most learned Pocock upon Hofea iii. 4.

The rest of this book relates to the Confusion of Tongues, and the First Language: concerning which we have said enough in fome late Reviews.

This mild Hutchinsonian is very angry with his humble fervants the Reviewers, whom he calls Infidels and Scorpions; but as he treats the worthy Archdeacon of Northumberland as " a mere Jesuit,' page 76, we could not expect better words from him.

To such as read his book, it may not be improper to offer this advice, viz. that they pay not too much regard to his representations of things; but that they rather have recourse to the holy Scriptures; and, for assistance herein, to the writings of the above-mentioned Archdeacon, for our Hutchinfonian Enquirer hath as little candour as good manners.

* Te shew what a Genius this Author is at derivations, take the following instance, page 256. ' I would make y, the root or * verb to the noun 1857. It signifies to temper, mix, knead, as dough or mortar are mixed

up

and tempered. I Sam• xxviii. 24 The woman cook flour and 7 kneaded it. This is the ''ule of the tongue in eating, it turns about, backwards and for

wards, up and down, what we chew. And it has the like use . in forming articulate sounds ; withoạt it the mouth could make no distinction of sounds; nor can the tongue without the ear.' rare Mountseir! Vide Review, vol. XII. p. 479.

MONTHLY

A

IS.

MONTHLY CATALOGUE For NOVEMBER, 1756.

POLITIS AL. I. N Appeal to Reason and Common Sense: or a free

and candid Disquisition of the Conduct of A B

.; so far as relates to the Matter of fact, and as set forth in his Appeal to the People, and in a Letter to a Member of Parliament: And into the Conduct of the Ministry, so far as is relative to the Case of A B: With some occafional Remarks upon a Pamphlet, called Impartial Reflections on the Case of Mr. Byng: By a Friend to Truth, and a Lover of his Country. 8vo. Crowder and Woodgate.

So much has already been said, and cited, in this and the preceding Review, in regard to the cale of this poor Admiral, and the controversy it has occasioned, that we shall coniraci, as much as poslible, what remains to be faid on that almost worn-out lubject. Thus, of the piece before us, all ihat needs be specified, is, that under pretence of doing honour to the plan laid down by the author of the Impartial Reflections, and of complimenting him for his ingenuity, accuracy, &c. the main scope of ic is, to explain away whatever that author has accrimoniously fuggeited, to the disadvantage of chole in power, and whatever he has conscientioully urged as a palliative in favour of the prisoner. That, tho? he refers, page 27, to his approaching trial, wherein Truth, and Truth only, will prevail, he takes upon himself to try him before-hand, nay even to direct his future :rial, by saying, “The • truths I have now urged, will, upon a fair hearing, be prova

bly discussed in their full force and efficacy :' and pronounces it evident, “ That had the Admiral eagaged the whole squadron,

with the same ardour, with the faine British courage, and love • of glory, that the Rear-Admiral engaged his part of is, Mi.

norca had 'till been our own, the French heet entirely de« feated, a Marshal of France, with his whole arry', priioners

in England, and the Prench King, probably, not able, by this . time, to send even a fihing-boat to fca.' To all which les the Council of War, held on board the Ramailles, May 24, reply.

II. An Address to the Public, in Answer to two Pamphlets, (entitled, An Appeal to the People of England, and a Letter to a Member of Parliament, relative to the Case of AB-g.) In which is fully proved, that the several Parts of the A-l's Letter, omitted in the Gazette, were rather of Use than Prejudice to him. With several other interesting

Particulars,

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Particulars, never yet exhibited to the Public. By an Ante Italianite. 8vo. 6d. 'A Type.

This is another of those officious, sanguinary efforts, which, have, in some fort, authorized Mr. Byng, and his Advocates, to fuggeft, That he has not been thus peculiarly fingled out, merely for the sake of public justice. The Gentleman has submitt ial; the Nation is to be gratified with one, and are willing to wait the event. The subject matter of this very mean performance then, which is to confute every plea that could be drawn from the suppressed pallages of Mr. Byng's difparch in his favour, would have been produced more properly by way of evidence, than thus, to embitter the minds of men against him before-hand. And if the Author's end was not so much to blacken him, as to pay his court to the noble head of a certain board, he, surely, ought not to have disgraced his compliment by the illiberal stroke of malice which glares so strongly in his title-page. III. Considerations on the Addresses lately presented to his Majesty, on occasion of the Loss of Minorca. In a Letter to a Member of Parliament. 8vo. 15. Cooper.

Of all the opposition-pieces lately published, this may be truly said to deserve the preference; tho", perhaps, it has not attracted the greatest notice: as it is founded on enadulterated Whigish principles, as it avows as strong an attachment to the Protettant Succession, and as high a regard for the honour and repose of his Majesty, as for the welfare of the subject, and the maintenance of the Conftitution. It is, besides, the result of more knowlege, and better abilities, than are usually employed in this fpecies of writing. The Author's premises are fairly ftated, and his reasonings upon them, are such as become a man of character. His file is liberal and manly; seldom on the ground, and never in the clouds. His manner is equally free from petulance, and malignity; and if the Minillers he arraigns, and their friends and followers, owe him no thanks for his endeavours to expose their conduct ; fo neither have they any cause to complain of him, on account of that

rage of abuse, for which others have been fo juftly condemn. ed and chastised.

His plan, at first sight, seems to comprehend no more than a bare defence of the Addresses; with relpect 10 which, he fpecifies the whole Aring of objections to be gleaned up, either in print or conversation : 'but, as he proceeds, it becomes more and more obvious, that these serve him only as a vehicle for a gene. ral Comment on the present State of Things; and of the conduct which, he presumes, has rendered our situation such as it is. The amount of these objections he gives in the following fummary, viz. That the said Addresses were unconstitutional, indecent, and zinnecessary; but he makes it his business to prove, that none of these charges will lie against them. To sew they were not unconstitutional, waving all precedents, he poftulates, that we ale governed for the sake of ourselves, not for the sake of those

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who govern us ; that the present government rests on this bafis. That the people are in possession of all the rights, they have not by express compact parted with, and, consequently, are entitled to the usual trust; that they have not alienated, or transferred, their sense of feeling, nor the important right of expressing what they feel ; that tho' the Parliament alone can act for them, they have not an exclusive right to speak for them ; that the Parliament does not always speak as the people

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them that in the case of the Jew bill, the sense of the Legislature was influenced and changed by the sense of the Nation; that tho' these Addresses are not universal, they are, nevertheless, general enough, and rendered considerable enough by the leading voice of the city of London, (supported, too, by the private opinion of all ranks of men, in all parts of the kingdom) to be reputed and received as the voice of the nation, &c. &c.' Concluding, That if the said Addresses speak the sense of the nation, upon a national point, and at a time, when this was the only way in which the nation could apply to the throne, they stand justified with respect to the constitution.

Coming then to the charge of indecency, in approaching the throne with complaints, which muft have affected his Majelly more than any of his subjects, in calling for vengeance on those who have neglected their duty, and in suggesting, by the mention of a Militia, that che nation is not satisfied with the manner in which it is defended at home,--he argues, That if his Majesty saw things in a more melancholy light than they could, the declaring such a conformity to the royal sentiments, as was within their ca. pacities and situations to entertain, could in no sense be deemed disrespectful, and indecent. That the reviving the calamity in this Majesty's mind, was no more than was done by every. Ad

dress of condolence and the import of them as a call for ven5 geance, is disavowed. Then as to the mention of a Militia, he

will not allow it to be either indecent, or impertinent ; but, on the contrary, he maintains, That weakened as we were by che lofs of Minorca, and defenceless as we appeared by calling in foreign fuccours, it was but natural for the nation to demand an exertion of its natural strengeh; and it was a proof of affection to his Majesty's person and government, to suggest to him, a more honourable and effectual, and, at the same time, a less burthensome, method of securing kis throne and kingdom. He then maintains. That even in point of language, thele Addresses were not only unexceptionable, but absolutely meritorious; containing such professions of duty and loyalty, as no disaffected perfon could fign, and neither injurious, opprobrious, or perfonal, even to the Minilters themselves. Great resentment,' says he, is cxprefled, that this defign (against Minorca) should be

unprevented, tho' it was not unexpected : and is it indecentra

lay our fears and wonder before the throne,-the refuge of dif4 treffed intimidated subjects ? not intimidated by the enemy,

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• but by the power of those, who might have prevented this evil, • who left the island defenceless, and the Mediterranean without

a British fleet.'

He then proceeds to Mew, That neither were they inflammatory; for nothing was exaggerated ; and many points, full as inflammatory as the loss of Minorca, were passed over in filence, to avoid even the appearance of exaggeration. Having thus dispatched his second argument, he brings forward his third, viz.

That they were neceffary ; for these reasons; To profess to the King, the discontent of the nation, and to obviate mifrepresentations, that it was on the contrary, perfectly satisfied, or, if dissatisfied, dissatisfied with Mr. Byng only; (which was far from being the case, B. not being the fole or the principal cause of our public disgrace) -to suspend the progress of public rage, directed by the faction in power, againit the accused Admiral, (a stratagem which succeeded so well, that he narrowly escaped an execution without a trial) and thereby preserve the public peace ; vive a spirit of liberty in the nation, and prevent an advantage which might have been taken to interpret a passive filence into positive app obation ; which no way could have been effected with more decency, and propriety, than by addressing the throne, with humble complaints; and to make use of a season so favourable, for re-kindling the love of our country : whereas in waiting for a parliamentary process, that favourable season would probably have been loft, and time allowed to those concerned, to efface the useful imprcilions made by the public calamities.

He then digresses to enumerate the means commonly employed for that purpose, such as extenuations, and diminutions of all forts, difquifing, if not denying the truth; which laft, thoa common artifice, he maintains would, in this case, have been im poffible ; seeing it could not be denied, " That Fort St. Philip

was not fufficiently manned; that if it had, the fiege muit have been raised ; that there was no British fleet in the Mediterranean when the enemy landed in Minorca ; and that if there had, under a proper command, the enemy could not have been landed, and might have beco deftroyed.'

After which, to wind up his bottom, on the end of necesity, he fuper-adds, the complaint in the London Addiess; the milmanagement and delays in the defence of America ; the general wellgrounded desire of a Militia ; and the variety of cogent reasons on which that desire was founded. Having then ftated it as a comfortable confideration, That the disappointments we have hitherto met with, in the course of a juft and necessary war, are nolowing to a defect of naval power, but of misconduct in the managers of it, (to whose negligence he moreover impures its origin) he proposes it as the firit, most obvious, and most popular measure, to accomplish the disgrace of all those, who had so perfeally satisfied the nation, they were equally unfit to preferve peace, or conduct war: and he declares, if this measure should not

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