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who took great care to save the lives of christians by inducing them to deny their first confession, and who sometimes mightily pleased themselves, when they left their provinces, that their government had been unbloody. And he speaks with great disdain of a governor of Bithynia, and therefore a successor of our Pliny, who exulted as if he had gained a victory over a whole nation of barbarians, when one christian at last seemed to give way, who with signal fortitude had for two years withstood all his cruel

' attacks.'

But it would be endless to rehearse all the ancient instances of this kind.

The true and only kindness of any in such cases, whether they be magistrates or others, can be none but this only: they who have power ought to discharge men brought before them and accused, if, upon enquiry, they appear to be innocent and free from such crimes as deserve punishment: and real friends should exhort them to persevere in the profession of the truth, and not to do or say any thing contrary to conviction, through fear of suffering.

For it was no doubt with me, whatever might be the ' nature of their opinion, that contumacy and inflexible ob⚫stinacy ought to be punished.'

'Whatever might be the nature of their opinion,' that is,' says an author, favourable enough to Pliny, whe'ther their religion tended to make them wicked or good

• men.'

The observation of Le Clerc is to this purpose: • But 9 the constancy of these men, who were convicted of no Itaque dici non potest, hujusmodi judices quanta, et quam gravia tormentorum genera excogitaverint, ut ad affectum propositi sui pervenirent. Hæc autem non tantum ideo faciunt, ut gloriari possint, nullum se innocentium peremisse, (nam et ipse audivi aliquos gloriantes, quia administratio sua, in hac parte, fuerit incruenta,) sed invidiæ causâ, ne aut ipsi vincantur, aut illi virtutis suæ gloriam consequantur. Itaque in excogitandis pœnarum generibus, nihil aliud, quam victoriam excogitant-Vidi ego, in Bithyniâ, præsidem, gaudio mirabiliter elatum, tamquam Barbarorum gentem aliquam subegisset, quod unus, qui per biennium magnâ virtute restiterat, postremo cedere visus est. Instit. 1. 5. C. xi.

They who desire to see more instances, may consult Kortholt, as before, p. 37, &c. P —‘Qualecumque esset quod faterenter:' hoc est, sive improbos redderet ipsos religio sua, sive bonos. Heuman. ubi supr. n. vi. p. 128. a Atqui pertinacia' et 'obstinatio' dici nullo jure potuit eorum constantia, qui nihil flagitiosum (quod mox de christianis agnoscit noster) fatebantur. Perseverantia in re bonâ non potest non laudari, nedum ut jure pœnas dare debeat. Præterea quibus legibus pertinacia mors erat imposita, nisi res per se mala esset, quæ pertinacius fieret? Itaque debuisset Secundus, antequam duci' christianos juberet, in eorum religionem inquirere, non, qualecumque • esset quod faterentur,' eos damnare. Cler. ib. n. viii. p. 549.

'crimes or wicked principles, as our president will acknowledge by and by, ought not to be called "contumacy," and obstinacy. Perseverance in what is good deserves commendation; so far is it from exposing men to punishment. By what law was death ever appointed for obstinacy, with'out any other fault? Pliny, therefore, before he ordered any christians away to be punished, should have inquired into "the principles of their religion, and not have resolved to condemn and punish them whatever their opinions were.' So says that rational and judicious writer.

r

The learned lawyer, Fr. Balduinus does not speak more favourably of this determination of Pliny than Le Clerc.

Indeed these are hard words, very improperly applied to men who were open to conviction, and willing to satisfy others if they might have leave to speak. But they would not be persuaded by fair promises, and severe menaces, to deny what they thought to be truth. And, as Kortholt says: Who can forbear to admire such magnanimity?'

There were others of the same infatuation, whom, be'cause they are Roman citizens, I have noted down to be sent to the city.'

Upon this part of Pliny's epistle we may farther remark, as follows:

First, I believe we may hence reasonably conclude that the christians underwent many hardships in several places from governors of provinces, when there was no general persecution.

t

Secondly, it appears to me that Pliny acted very arbitrarily and unrighteously in his treatment of the christians in his province. Some perhaps, yea probably many, he put to death; and others, who were Roman citizens, he sent from their native country, or the place of their usual abode, to Rome. What they suffered we cannot say but he sent them away to be dealt with as christians. But what right had Pliny to act in this manner? By what law, or laws,

Mira vero profani hominis, et causam, de quâ pronuntiat, non intelligentis, confidentia, cum de religione, hoc est, de re maximâ, quærebatur. Causa capitis agebatur. Audit, reos quidem factum fateri; sed constanter defendere, se jure facere, atque adeo pie et religiose. Quid illud tandem sit, neque intelligit, neque inquirit. Et tamen non dubitat damnare. Certe religionem non abjicere, improbæ obstinationis non est, sed optimæ constantiæ. Balduin. ubi supr. p. 40.

s Et quis eorum non suspiceret apisɛiar, quos nec exilium, nec carcer— nec gladius, nec crux, ad abnegandam fidem adigere potuit? Kort. ib. p. 59. * So says Eusebius in his Chronicle, cited above at p. 26, note m. Plinius Secundus, quum quandam provinciam regeret, et in magistratu suo plurimos Christianorum interfecisset, multitudine eorum perterritus, quæsivit de Trajano, quid facto opus esset, &c.

did he punish those with death, who, upon examination before him, persisted in the profession of christianity? There was not at that time any imperial edict in force against the christians, as was observed some while ago.

There had been such laws in the time of Nero and Domitian: but they were abrogated. Nor were any like edicts since published. And upon other occasions Pliny expresseth great dislike of those two emperors, as enemies to liberty and mankind.

The old Romans protected people of all sects and religions; as was largely shown by us" formerly. Nor were any of their priests or worshippers molested, or their rites prohibited, unless they were guilty of some misdemeanor, contrary to good manners, and inconsistent with the welfare of society. Nothing of that kind had been proved to Pliny against the christians. I do not therefore perceive how they could be punished by virtue of any laws of the emperors, or any ancient laws of the senate and people of Rome. I think that there were not, and could not be, any laws against them as christians. When St. Paul pleaded before Festus and Agrippa, and that numerous and august assembly at Cæsarea by the seaside, the residence of the Roman governor, he gave a large and distinct account of himself, and his doctrine, and his conduct; what he had preached to Jews and Gentiles, and with what zeal he had acted in recommending this doctrine to all men. And when he had finished his discourse they all agreed in their verdict, “saying, This man doeth nothing worthy of death or of bonds. Then said Agrippa to Festus, This man might have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Cæsar:" Acts xxvii. 31, 32.

Therefore there were no Roman laws against the christian religion, or its professors or teachers. Consequently Pliny, in putting christians to death as such, acted without law and authority.

That they suffered without law appears from himself. He punished them for inflexible obstinacy.' But who can allege any law of the Roman empire which condemned men to death for contumacy and obstinacy, whatever might be the nature of their opinion?' We proceed.

In a short time, the crime spreading itself, even whilst ' under prosecution, as is usual in such cases, divers sorts of 'people came in my way. An information was presented to 'me, without mentioning the author, containing the names of many persons, who, upon examination, denied that they

" See Vol. i. ch. viii.

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'were christians, or had ever been so: who repeated after 'me an invocation of the gods, and with wine and frankincense made supplication to your image, which for that purpose I had caused to be brought and set before them, 'together with the statues of the deities. Moreover they reviled the name of Christ. None of which things, as is 'said, they who are really christians, can by any means be ⚫ compelled to do. These therefore I thought proper to discharge.'

This is a remarkable paragraph. We hence learn that Trajan was worshipped as a god in his lifetime. And here we see many people brought before Pliny and accused as christians, who were not so, and, as it seems, never were. But they were mentioned by name in an information which was not subscribed. It appears to have been a malicious accusation. Le Clerc says, Wew hence perceive how dan'gerous a thing persecution is: when also innocent persons are involved in it, or are without reason suspected; which, in the affair of religion, may be of bad consequence.'

Though these persons were not now christians, and never had openly professed christianity, they may have been men of a mild and moderate disposition. Possibly, they had sometimes spoken favourably of the christians, and intimated that they thought they were treated too rigorously, and were not so bad people as some insinuated. These we may consider as low-church Gentiles, though they were not christians.

All these persons Pliny, our prætor, discharged: but not without strict examination, and good assurance that they were not christians. First, he puts the question to them: and they deny that they were christians, or had ever been so. And, as he says, they afterwards invoked the gods in a form prescribed by himself: me præeunte. It is implied, and to be understood, that they did every thing else, hereafter mentioned, in the like manner: that is, in a form prescribed by him, they made supplication to Trajan's image, • and reviled the name of Christ.'

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X

A learned man, who not long since wrote a commentary upon this letter of Pliny, and, with a design to correct the mistakes of former commentators, says, that Pliny seems ▾ Vel hinc apparet, quid habendum de assertione Eutropii, 1. ix. et Cassiodori, et Eusebii in Chronicis, quod inter imperatores primus ut Deum adorari se jusserit Diocletianus. Kortholt. Comm. in Plin. et Trajan. Ep. p. 81.

Vel hinc quam periculosa sit persecutio, intelligere est, cum etiam innocentes eâ involvantur, aut certe immerito suspecti fiant. Quod est, in religionis negotio, periculosissimum. Ib. num. ix. p. 550.

x Christum quidem pro altero Socrate videtur habuisse, qui, cum piâ vitâ,

'to have considered Christ as another Socrates, who both, by ' a pious life, and a pious doctrine, excited his disciples to 'the love of virtue, and an abhorrence of vice.' I think we may do well to take our notion of Pliny's character and sentiments from himself, rather than from our own imagination. How he treated the name or person of Christ, and how he required others to treat it, we have just seen. What he thought of the christian religion, we before saw, when he called it 'infatuation,' or madness, amentia. Moreover he inflicted death upon several of the faithful followers and steady disciples of the Lord Jesus Christ.

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Others were named by an informer, who at first con'fessed themselves christians, and afterwards denied it. 'The rest said they had been christians, but had ceased to 'be so, some three years, some longer, and one, or more, above twenty years,' [or, as Mr Melmoth, a few above twenty years ago.'] They all worshipped your image, ' and the statues of the gods. They also reviled Christ." These were presented to Pliny in a libel, or information; and, as we may reasonably think, properly subscribed with the name of the accuser, Nevertheless his accusations seem to have been malicious; for they were not all true. Some whom he accused as christians were not so at that time.

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The persons first mentioned are described by Pliny after this manner: they confessed themselves to be christians;' that is, when brought before Pliny, and interrogated by him, they said they were christians, and afterwards denied it.' Here we are to recollect what Pliny assured Trajan was his constant method of proceeding. I have taken this 'course,' says he, with all who have been brought before me, and accused as christians; I put the question to them ' whether they were christians: Upon their confessing to me that they were, I repeated the question a second and a third time, threatening also to put them to death.' So he had acted toward those of whom he is now speaking. Upon his first putting the question to them whether they were christians, they confessed they were. But when he repeated the question the second or the third time, adding menaces, they denied that they were christians; that is, they gave

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tum piâ doctrinâ, discipulos suos excitavit ad studium virtutum, fugamque vitiorum. Heuman. ib. n. v. p. 126.

y Quamquam admiranda erat, et plane inusitata, christianorum plerorumque, si persecutiones æstuarent, constantia, rappnoia, et apiseia; multi tamen tormentorum metu, multi etiam ex merâ animi levitate, vel seculi vanitate fascinati, a fide defecerunt. Kortholt. in loc. ubi supr. p. 95.