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of their rulers. (See Orangemen.) The Catholic inhabitants of the country were excluded from public offices, and from all participation in the choice of members of parliament. None but the Anglo-Irish, belonging to the Episcopal church, which had now become the established church in Ireland-men who possessed the greatest part of the landed property, that had been torn from the original inhabitants were eligible to public offices, or to a seat in parliament. In this oppressed condition the Irish Catholics remained till 1793. But when the principles disseminated at the time of the French revolution produced a general fermentation, which extended to the Irish Catholics, a lively desire was awakened in them to obtain equal rights with their Protestant fellow-citizens. They were supported in England itself by a very respectable party. Burke repeatedly spoke in parliament in favor of their emancipation. In 1792, they presented a petition, praying for the abolition of all the restrictions to which they had hitherto been subjected. Upon this, a recommendation was addressed from the throne to the Irish parliament, to contrive means for the melioration of the condition of the Catholics. Accordingly, the Irish act, so called, was passed in 1793, which conferred the elective franchise on the Catholics, threw open to them all employments in the army in Ireland, and all offices in the navy. Three offices in the army only were exceptedthose of the commander-in-chief, mastergeneral of the ordnance, and generals on the staff. They continued to be excluded, however, from 30 public offices, and from parliament-an arrangement which could not be changed without a repeal of the corporation and test acts. (q. v.) A part of the Irish Catholics were satisfied with the concessions. Another party, however, encouraged by a few noblemen, who had entered into connexion with France, cherished the hope that Ireland would succeed, with the help of France, in freeing itself from the British power. An insurrection speedily broke out, which was quelled by the severity of the governor, lord Camden. It blazed forth again, however, in 1798, and Ireland be came the theatre of a new civil war. By this rebellion, judicious men, both in England and Ireland, were convinced that, as long as the two kingdoms had separate legislatures, and that of the weaker was dependent on that of the stronger, and the inhabitants of the two kingdoms thought their interests incon

sistent, jealousy and distrust would continue. The Anglo-Irish, also, who had previously desired the independence of Ireland, and, at first, supported the rebellion, perceived that the superior numbers of the Catholics, and their bitter enmity to the Protestants, would make the separation of Ireland from England a great misfortune for them. It was resolved, then, to unite Ireland with England; and, three years after the last rebellion, the union was effected, and the united parliament was opened Jan. 22, 1801. În regard to ecclesiastical affairs, nothing further was provided in the act of union, than that the Episcopal church in Ireland should remain the established church, and should constitute, with the English, one church. Respecting the condition of the Catholics nothing was done, and Pitt observed that it would be well to reserve this business for future deliberation. The united parliament had been in session but a few days, when reports were spread, which cast a dark shade over the union, and gave occasion for much anxiety. The Catholics in Ireland, it was said, complained of the nonfulfilment of expectations which had been held out to them, to make them favorable to the union. Full emancipation had been promised them, as a certain consequence of it. Pitt, the author of the union, had pledged himself, with his colleagues, to promote the fulfilment of this wish of the Catholics. After the union was completed, invincible obstructions were found in the way of the accomplishment of their promise. Pitt and his colleagues had encouraged these hopes with the expectation of being able to fulfil them. For this reason, they endeavored, after the union was completed, to obtain an act of parliament, by which admission to parliament and to offices of state, from which the Catholics were still excluded, should be made possible for a certain number of them, by dispensing with the test-oath. But the king set himself against this measure, as being inconsistent with his coronation-oath. Pitt and his colleagues, therefore, in 1801, resigned their places. Pitt foresaw that, if both houses agreed to this measure, the king would still withhold his permission; and thus the discontent of the Catholics would be directed against the person of the king himself. This, like a wise statesman, he wished by all means to avert; and, on this ground, in 1805, he spoke against the emancipation, when the opposition proposed anew to grant the Catholic a

seat and a voice in parliament, and admissibility to all offices of state. During late years, the petition for complete emancipation has been several times renewed in vain. In 1822, on the motion of Mr. Canning, a bill was passed, in the house of commons, by a majority of 21 voices, enabling Roman Catholic peers to sit in parliament; but, in the house of lords, the bill was rejected. The same happened in 1825, when the duke of York, who died in 1827, solemnly opposed it. In 1827, under Canning's administration, the motion for emancipation was lost, in the house of commons, by a majority of 3. The measure has, at last, been effected, under the administration of the duke of Wellington. The disturbances in Ireland were assuming continually a more organized character, under the influence of the Catholic association, which was spread through the country, and directed by men of great abilities such as O'Connell and Shiels so that his grace was, at last, driven to support the cause of emancipation. He said that he had to choose between concession to the Catholics and civil war. Mr. Peel, who had formerly spoken warmly against emancipation, now moved it in the house of commons. One of the chief opposers of the measure was lord Eldon, the former lord chancellor; one of the royal family-the duke of Cumberlandalso took part with the opponents.-The emancipation of the Catholics is so interesting an event, that the following abstract of the fate of various motions respecting it may not be unacceptable to our readers. In the year 1805, a majority of 129 in the house of lords, and of 212 in the house of commons, refused to act on the petition of the Catholics, moved severally by lord Grenville and Mr. Fox. In 1807, lord Grenville withdrew his motion in favor of emancipation, it being understood that his majesty was averse to it. In 1808, Mr. Grattan's motion was rejected, in the house of commons, by a majority of 153, and lord Donoughmore's, in the house of lords, by a majority of 87. In 1810, a motion to the same effect, by the same members, was again lost, by a majority of 112 in the commons, and 86 in the lords. In 1812, there was a majority of 72 in the lords, and 85 in the commons, against the movers. Mr. Canning's motion was lost, in the same year, by a majority of 129 in the commons, and that of the marquis of Wellesley, by a majority of 113 in the lords. In 1813, the motions of Mr. Grattan, sir John Cox

Hippesley and doctor Duigenan, drew forth majorities against the Catholics of 40, 48 and 42, and, on the 24th of May, the bill was given up. In 1821, Mr. Plunkett carried the bill through the house of commons by a majority of 19; but it was lost in the lords by a majority of 39. In 1822, Mr. Canning carried it, in the commons, by a majority of 21; but it was thrown out, in the lords, by a majority of 42. In 1825, sir Francis Burdett carried it, in the commons, by a majority of 27; but it was again thrown out, in the lords, by a majority of 48. In 1827, sir Francis Burdett's motion for a committee was lost, in the commons, by a majority of 3. In 1828, the motion for a conference with the lords was carried, in the commons, by a majority of 6; but thrown out, in the lords, by a majority of 45. And, in 1829 (April 10), a relief bill, abolishing the civil disabilities on Roman Catholics, by repealing the oaths of supremacy, &c., was carried through the commons by Mr. Peel, with a majority of 180 on the second reading, and 178 on the third; and through the lords, by the duke of Wellington, with a majority of 105 on the second reading, and 104 on the third. By this bill, Catholics are eligible to all offices of state, excepting the lordchancellorships of England and Ireland, the lord-lieutenancy of Ireland, the office of regent or guardian of the United Kingdom, and that of high commissioner to the church of Scotland. They are still excluded from the right of presentation to livings, and all places connected with the ecclesiastical courts and establishment. The church patronage attached to any office in the hands of a Catholic is to be vested in the archbishop of Canterbury. Attached to the bill is a clause for the gradual suppression of the Jesuits and monastic orders (religious establishments of females excepted). At the same time, the duke carried a disfranchisement bill, by which the 40 shilling freeholders of Ireland were disfranchised, and the income of real estate necessary to entitle to a vote in elections in that country raised to £10 sterling. There has lately been published a History of the late Catholic Association of Ireland, from its Institution, in 1760, to its final Dissolution in 1829; by Thomas Wyse, junior, Esq., one of the members of that body; 2 vols. 8vo., London, 1829, Colburn.

CATHOLIC MAJESTY; a title which pope Alexander VI gave to the kings of Spain, in memory of the perfect expulsion of the Moors out of Spain, in 1491, by Ferdi

nand of Arragon. But even before that time, and especially after the council at

Toledo, in 589, several Spanish kings had borne this title.

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