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which a large number of persons can be brought together with some prospect of immediate success, wo notice all the schemes before the public. Intellectual and moral suffrage is now scarcely ever mentioned. It is considered as an unattainable degree of perfection in politics, which those who sigh for will vainly seek. That is its general character, and it is the worst character, nearly, that a great political scheme could possess. The general prevalence of this opinion must lead to its realisation. People will not labour for, and will grow not to love, the unattainable; and before the prevalent impression could be rubbed out, we suspect that a generation would be carried away. Ex

Universal suffrage is definite. It leaves little room for cavil or doubt. If the parochial registrar || has discharged his duty, a youth has merely to live on with the certainty of becoming qualified. The Charter contains, indeed, a moral qualification it denudes those persons who may be convicted of crime. That form of expression is very general, and might be interpreted to include many persons. The law might recognise, as crimes, trans-cept for that fear, an intellectual and moral suffrage actions which are not at present within its grasp. carries many recommendations, and removes various Still, this system is more explicit than any other objections. The mere title conveys only a small idea project, and has received some support on that of the object sought. An intellectual suffrage might account alone, apart from all other considerations. be fixed high; and the moral addendum might be com Those amongst its advocates, who believe that it plex and troublesome. Any legislators who had a will form the next step in advance, refuse to take desire to confuse the system, and render its working a single hop in any other direction, or to contem-difficult, could propose means for that purpose; but a plate any route to their journey's end except simple and efficient scheme might be readily contrived. the straight path which they have chalked. They The art of reading and writing legibly would not prove probably forget the character of mankind; they a high intellectual suffrage; and if its existence comseem never to have learned that men who cannot pelled many persons living in a state of gross ignorance be driven may be led. They are unwilling to to remove that reproach, the world would be better finesse, and they have a heart-hatred of expedi- for a deed which had not made them worse. The ency. The franchise at twenty-five would be registries of England show that many males, to the deemed by them an invasion of natural privileges; extent of nearly two-fifths, sign with "a mark." The although there is nothing more natural in twenty-fact is infamous; and we believe nothing regarding one than in twenty or in twenty-two, in twenty-the fitness of these men to elect representatives on any five or in thirty. It is an arbitrary line adopted sound political reason. They might confide in their by the public for general convenience; but another neighbours, and do well; exactly as a blind man may generation will have the same right to believe that follow his dog and be safe; but they cannot form males reach their majority at eighteen as we have an intelligent opinion on their own account. to fix on twenty-one. Precedents exist: For the know that men have made money who were never purpose of the "chief magistracy" of the throne, at school. Men have been known even to do a large eighteen was named as the majority of an illus-business who could not write a day-book. We have trious lady. "All males from eighteen to sixty," is the extreme call to arms. Eighteen is the verge, on the cradle side of life, where militia liabilities commence by our present law. Therefore many arguments might exist for eighteen, while another generation might take the next septennial period; and, for legislative purposes, some nations struck the age qualification farther into life.

We

met individuals who knew much of the world, past and present, and yet who could neither read nor write. Still, we have no reason to make a rule by deductions from phenomena, and we believe that few zealous friends for an extensive suffrage would deeply regret if an intellectual suffrage, in the simplicity of merely reading and writing, were conditional to any scheme of making up the electoral roll, provided they could The public require merely a convenient rule obtain a guarantee for its fair administration. Many whereby they may attain self-government, and of them revert in argument to the natural right, and regarding which few good citizens shall be able to insist that it should not be broken; but they say, very say that they are excluded by circumstances over clearly, that the only natural right in the case is, the which they have no control. For this great end will of the majority, who have a right to make condiof suffrage agitation, no necessity exists to stand tions calculated to improve individual happiness and stiffly upon any prescribed mode. The object in to secure the public good. "Taxation without repreview being once reached, we need not quarrel resentation is tyranny," is a saying that does not possess garding the way. To those parties who believe a literal but a general interpretation. Many persons that twenty-one has an exclusive claim for adop- are taxed who can have no share in the appointtion, no alternative remains, They are boundment of representatives. Rich minors, of promising over by their creed to twenty-one, without any change or compromise, and they cannot seek the adoption of a different system. The number of this class is comparatively few, and the great body of followers of twenty-one are merely jealous of new schemes, because, having often been cheated in past times, they are reluctant to run risks for the time to come.

Our object being to ascertain different means by

genius, possessed of great information, aged twenty years and eight months, may miss an election with our septennial parliaments; and yet are not the objects of special tyranny. Females, in or out of business, who have no male delegate or representative, pay taxes, and cannot be exempted; yet they are not electors, and very few individuals, indeed, propose to enfranchise them. We are not sufficiently imbued with Mahommedan dogmas to excuse their

them after two, three, or more transgressions, for a time. If the majority adopt that rule; or if the present Parliament, or any similar Parliament, in passing a suffrage bill, insert clauses of that nature, we can see no great objection to their conduct. They will punish a vice that increases our poor-rates, our police rates, our criminal charges-and is, in fact, the cause of threefourths of the sums levied on these heads being requisite. It has the office of paternity to a large portion of our public begging; it is closely connected with all the overcrowding, the straw beds, the gross ignorance, the incipient crime, the sanatory defects, and the fatal epidemics of large towns. Drunken fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons, made Thomas Hood's "Song of the Shirt." They had more certainly to do with it than the proprietors of shops for cheap needlework. They have done more and worse than that; for they have succeeded in making many drunken wives, sisters, mothers, and daughters; and females, once given over to intemperance, are the most helpless and hopeless specimens of a fallen and degraded humanity. No good objection, therefore, can be stated to any course

on its followers; but "the Charter" leaves this matter open, and casts on the legislature the responsibility if it do not classify all crimes under their proper names. Our criminal law is in a most imperfect state, and many positive crimes escape with a light punishment. To this intellectual and moral qualification for the franchise we have given already space disproportioned to its chances of adoption under existing circumstances; although both additions might be made with marked advantage to any scheme of franchise, and both are under fair restrictions, and, in the way and to the extent we have described, quite practicable.

omission on the score of intellectual inferiority. The || to cross their names in the electoral rate, and suspend readers of this magazine could scarcely accept that argument, for since its commencement it has been deeply indebted to the pens of females for a great proportion, probably one-half, of its most interesting papers. We see before us a rich treat in a scientific work, published anonymously, and yet unread. We expect great delight from its perusal, founded on the instruction and pleasure derived from its predecessor. Both volumes are written by a lady, who chooses at present to conceal her name; but three-fourths of her readers, or more, ascribe them to some active and eloquent professor, some gentleman in black, whom the Government would have deemed a windfall for the Chair of Natural History, in one of their new Irish colleges; and who would not have thanked them for this presentation. The exclusion of females from electoral lists must be defended on some other field than that of intellectual efforts; and is a matter of convenience assented to, and enforced by, nine-tenths of the parties affected by its existence. We must grasp the spirit of the old Saxon saying, that "taxation without representation is tyranny," instead of losing time in splitting hairs or nice distinctions re-calculated to discourage this vice, and to affix a stigma regarding rights natural or acquired. The time has come to seek the rights; and when they are obtained we can settle their characteristics at leisure. A fair and full representation of the people will cover all that|| the rule quoted requires, by whatever means that representation be obtained. The Charter itself embodies a moral qualification; the claimant for the franchise must be unstained by crime. It does not clearly lay down the law on this topic, which it broadly announces. Is the man who has been convicted of crime to be permanently excluded from the rights and the roll of citizenship; or must his exclusion run only during the currency of other parts of his sentence? A different The employment of the forty shillings freehold scheme from either of these might be adopted, and the qualification in England points the way to a measure, franchise could be withdrawn for a definite period in which, without being objectionable to any party, may addition to the punishment otherwise affixed to crime. form the basis of a compromise, on fair terms, of an These questions are not idle inquiries, tending to no intermediate system that may be made, if it works practical end; for they must be answered and cleared well, and the country be brought into a prosperous away if ever the Charter be put in the form of a Par-state, a final measure. The forty shillings freehold liamentary bill, under the care of the leader in the qualification is confined to England; but no rational House of Commons. They are practical questions for ground for opposing its extension to Ireland and Scotwhich those in charge of the measure must make prac- land exists. We may at once state here our insupertical answers, and put them in the statute if their able objection to a bane already entering into, and movement be successful. A moral qualification must corrupting, the forty shillings franchise in England. always proceed upon the convictions of criminal courts. Societies have been formed for the purpose of advanc It must differ materially from an intellectual qualifica-ing money, by mortgage, on these freeholds. We care tion, although they are generally coupled. The intellectual must be an affirmative, and the moral a negative. The former must proceed on something possessed, and the latter on something avoided. Other plans have been proposed, but they are all attended with insuperable objections in principle, or serious difficulties in working. The law must afford the test. For that purpose the law can be amended. Some persons have alleged, with much apparent propriety, that a clever man who squandered intemperately the money that should support himself and his family in comfort, is an enemy to society, and a criminal. Their conclusion is inevitable; and we could see no sound reason for refusing, or deferring to give the police a right to seize all drunkards seen in the act, to bring them before the magistrate, to fine them, and, if the public consented,

not whether these societies be under the patronage of the Member for the West Riding, or the Member for Warwickshire. Even although both these honourable gentlemen should have some responsibility for their existence, yet their effect is only "swindling made easy." Political swindling is not considered quite so bad as the same article in trade, but we do not think it calculated to improve public morals. This description of qualification for the franchise should be free. Our Saxon ancestors did not contemplate burthened freeholds; and the procuration of forty shilling freeholders who are debtors on their property, to a large extent, is only another system of fictitious voting, similar to that practised in Scotch counties.

All classes in the three kingdoms should have liberty to qualify upon holdings of this nature, if they

were not burthened by debts. The public know nothing || not judiciously buy land. He is ignorant of its ma

poses.

of private transactions, and cannot tell what money a nagement; he has not even the pleasure of seeing man may be due on open accounts or bills; but when his property mismanaged. He cannot use, and he money is raised on the security of property, the latter should not speculate; he may lose his earnings, but should be deemed as alienated for any political pur- he is unlikely to increase his riches by that course. One man may lend money to another man, For him, therefore, the liberal terms of the legislature or give him credit in business, on the understanding are offered in vain. The most sweeping clause of the that he possesses property, and with arrangements of Reform Bill does not include him, although he may that nature the world is not concerned; but when work laboriously or skilfully, and spend with equal property is put aside as a special security for a special care. For him some new scheme is therefore requisite. payment, the owner has no right to anticipate a quali- He needs also some open door for getting fairly fication to vote on ground, or any other property, that and fully within the Constitution, upon easy terms; and really is no longer at his disposal. This rule should we believe that a plan can be devised for attaining be applicable in every case, and to all descriptions of this object, without infringing the principle of the forty property and qualifications connected with the legis- shilling franchise, but by fitting it into the present lature, so that our political system might be founded state of society. The principle adopted by the legis on truth. We assume, therefore, that the three king-|| lature, on the calculation that we have already given, doms may obtain this forty shillings franchise with is remarkably simple. A man is required to possess the provision which we have stated. Mr. Cobden told || fifty pounds, not in cash, but in property. Any man, a Bradford audience that an American in Paris, to from a political purpose, may be enabled to exhibit whom he related the state of this qualification, held fifty sovereigns; but the law requires some proof that up his two hands in astonishment over the idea of an the property is his own. This is a very proper view Englishman complaining of exclusion from the franchise of the case, and we have already shown a disposition while this 40s. freehold system remained; and Mr. Cob- to have the law not relaxed, but tightened in that den shared this astonishment in some measure. The respect. Still we can see no imaginable reason for qualification is good so far as it goes; but it cannot confining the qualification to land. At the period be obtained for its value in all localities; and in others when the forty shilling franchise came first into use, freeholds of this minitude cannot be obtained for money. land formed almost the only permanent property, To many persons they are entirely useless, unless four and money was more valuable than now, of which or five owners can join together to let their portions we reap, so far as this qualification is concerned, some to one tenant. To other parties they are extremely advantage. Circumstances have now altered greatly, valuable, for they afford ground for a cottage, a cot- and other descriptions of property are of equal imtage-garden, and a small allotment which can be wellportance to the country as land-equally dependent wrought in leisure hours, aided even by children at school. Artisans in villages of all descriptions can render their freeholds economical possessions, if they are obtained in the neighbourhood of their employment. Sobriety amongst the colliers would stud the coal districts over with little ownerships and cottages of this character, and cover many political qualifica- Deposits in savings banks, which are avowedly purtions, if the landowners would divide parts of their chases in the national funds, must be, for national estates for this purpose. The iron districts would be purposes, a peculiarly good investment on which to mapped off in the same wholesome style. Lanarkshire found a qualification-better even than land itself; and Staffordshire might have several thousand voters because a more precarious property, although, at of this description. Tradesmen employed in rural present, one perfectly secure. In this case, a deposit affairs could qualify with the same kind of property.of £60 to £70 would be requisite to give a free annual All villages, or small towns in counties, should be sur- income of forty shillings; and £75 would not be too rounded with a belt or ring of freeholds. The move-high a sum to fix as the equivalent of a forty shillings ment is in every way healthful. It binds the electors || freehold-because a deposit can be readily converted to the soil, and even to a particular locality. It would give employers security that the employed were in the right position-too rich to be trampled on, and too much interested in their neighbourhood to become wantonly, insolent. It would give the state electors, too numerous to be bought, and so far interested in the country that they would necessarily give votes calculated, in their opinion, to secure the public well-being. The men would have a stake, and to them a large stake, in the land.

A very numerous class can never judiciously avail themselves of this qualification; and some provision, on the same principle, should be made for them. Upon a twenty-five years' purchase, a freehold, to yield forty shillings, must cost fifty pounds. The latter sum, invested in the country, may therefore be considered as the real qualification. An artisan in a large town can

on, and equally promotive of, its prosperity. On that account, other kinds of property should be invested with the power of conferring the franchise; and thus all classes of society might profitably become voters. We shall enumerate some of those investments that might be advantageously added to freeholds.

into money, while land, perhaps, may not be easily sold when its owner requires to realise his means. The depositor would require to be otherwise qualified as to age, and the various conditions common in every case; but then the deposit receipt, or his pass-book, intimating that he had that sum to his credit for twelve months before enrolment, should secure at once the entry of his name on the electoral list, with liberty to vote next day, if an opportunity occurred. As he would vote upon this deposit, the production of his qualification should be required whenever he desired again to exercise that privilege. He might be compelled to draw out his deposit, and, in that case, his privilege would cease, only to be renewed if he again lodged a similar sum for the same period previous to voting. In the event of a partial reduction of the sum of one-half for example→→

the full amount would require to be re-invested for onehalf of the full period-and other sums drawn to be re-lodged for a corresponding time, prior to the renewal of the qualification.

Building societies should furnish those members with a qualification who derive the requisite income from their funds, under similar conditions and provisions to those which we have already described as applicable to deposits in savings' banks. The money invested in this instance, to yield a clear income of forty shillings, should not exceed twenty-five years' purchase.

their increase, and make it a reproach, for a man who had enjoyed health and tolerable employment for several years, not to be a voter and the owner of property.

The legislation of the House of Commons perpetu ally affects labour, and it would be satisfactory to have the opinions of the best men amongst the working classes embodied in their votes. The friends of native industry, on all sides of the house, would thus have an opportunity of hearing the opinions of the industrious on their various projects, by the most constitutional

means.

The objections of the disfranchised to this system of suffrage would have great weight if the plan were a final settlement; but they would stand here on the ground which the Duke of Wellington said we occu pied regarding the corn laws-if the plan do not answer, we can change again. The only difference between this property qualification and universal suf

Property, although not freehold, should convey this. In Scotland a large amount of this property is held on what may best be described as leases renewable for ever, at an annual rental. In all those cases where the real interest exceeds the annual feu duty by the sum mentioned, the electoral privilege might be conceded. We deem that every species of property, fixed in the country, and not requisite in the manage-frage is seven years on an average. The artisan who, ment of a man's business, or not used in his household, by the one scheme, would slip out of his indenture on but strictly to be regarded as economised, should be to the registry, would have, by the other, to fight his placed, for political purposes, on the footing of freeholds. || way-to deny and to discipline himself for seven years. We would even yield an equal privilege to annuitants A determined saving, week after week, of half-a-crown, from the national stocks, although that form of invest- would accomplish the object. If these savings were ment is commendable only in peculiar cases. To the the price of the franchise and freedom, it would holders of life policies current for a considerable period, not be too high; but when they are to be made even although not of the value of £50, this right should for the benefit of the economist, for his own and his be conceded, because nothing can be more desirable family's independence, we see no hardship except the than the extension of this practice. All our readers delay of this septennial period. But how many sep may know that £50 paid in premiums will not render || tennial periods have passed in the effort to obtain the a policy worth £50. An insurance company will not required extension of the suffrage? Seven times repay all the money that they have received; but an seven years and more have passed away since the late arrangement of this matter could be easily accom- Earl Grey, before he had attained a coronet, and while plished. We suggest the idea, which we once did for- a member of the House of Commons, introduced a merly, as the means of improving the position of the measure to enact universal suffrage. Aged men recall unenfranchised, who desire political privileges, and the days of their youth and manhood--the period of gratifying their wishes in that respect at the same time. Henry Hunt, of William Cobbett, and Sir Francis The leading principle recommended by us now was also Burdett, when they struggled from New-Year's Day to advocated in our pages a considerable period since. Christmas, in the hope that the next year would witTwelve months' reflection has confirmed our opinion ness their great Reform Bill. We might easily now that the plan is practicable. The most extreme suf- flatter hope by saying that next year, or the next, the fragists, who will take no step short of the great leap, barriers will be broken down; but we know not that can derive no harm from the measure while it lasts. they will, and we say not that they will stand The Conservatives and Whigs, who are nervous from perpetually. Some of the recent continental efforts the fear of property being invaded, or wild measures have not been so successful as to warrant the being rapidly adopted, must be reassured by a franchise || expectation that they will soon be imitated here, formed on the acquisition of property. They may be- And yet in no quarter have the representatives lieve that fifty pounds is, to a man who has earned the of the people, chosen amid extreme excitement, sum by hard labour, no inconsiderable amount. He by a majority, adopted any measure adverse to will guard it with the care bestowed by the rich stock-the rights of property, injurious to the fundamental broker on thousands. They should not overlook the interests of society, or likely to confirm the evil imindirect advantages of the system. Many of the arti-pressions regarding their policy entertained by their sans in this country struggle honourably to attain inde- || former rulers, and by many who only looked at and pendence. For what other purpose are their benefit socie- || watched European movements. But the blood shed, ties formed, and their building societies promoted? Why the misery caused, and the business prevented, by have they collected nearly thirty millions of money in political changes on the Continent, have damped the the national security savings banks? How is it that feeling in their favour here. The time is therefore whenever a system of life assurance suitable to their favourable to the adoption of a measure that would means has been offered, they have embraced it in con- make no violent change-that would teach as it enfransiderable numbers? The desire for independence is chised-give independence where it gave votes-would the prompting cause in all these cases. Such desires create habits of economy, and ensure respect for pro would be sharpened, and these efforts would be im-perty-would animate with an honest ambition all the measurably increased, by attaching to success the reward of citizenship in its fullest meaning. The poor rates in the three countries are very high, and they are increasing rapidly. This measure would check

unenfranchised, and inspire them with self-reliance and perseverance, The indirect benefits of this plan are more desirable than its direct results; for we believe it capable of gradually exhausting pauperism, as it

contributed to swell the number in possession of political rights. It would not work for some years with great rapidity; but each operation would have a double character, for all whom it elevated into the political registry would be lifted from the probability of pauperism, from the fear of degradation, into a position

of hope and of independence, and put into possession of a real and substantial interest in the empire; in addition to the interest which all men feel who live under its laws, contribute to its revenue, and have their employment, where their fathers lived and died, within its dominions.

LIFE OF THE LATE DR. CHALMERS.*

kind for this work. He was in terms of the most perfect intimacy with Dr. Chalmers, and he has the most complete access, not merely to all his papers, but to those of his opinions on public questions, that, though unwritten, must live in the recollection of the members of his family. Dr. Hanna is a native of Belfast; and although he was, previous to the disruption, a parochial minister in the Scotch Established Church, yet his freedom from

MANY years must have passed since the death of any man in Scotland excited that sad sensation caused by the demise of Dr. Chalmers, and many years must pass again before death can produce a similar result by a single stroke; for we have no man with a character yet earned or formed, so high in general estimation as that his removal would be felt in the same extent to be a national calamity. The circumstances attendant on the death of Dr. Chalmers were well calculated to in-early prejudices and feelings may, on many topics crease its effect. The body with whom he was connected with Scotland, which will necessarily immediately associated had passed towards the come under his notice in the second and subsequent close of its annual assembly, when death came to volumes, enable him to adhere closely to the part him noiselessly, and without a warning. He lite-of a fair and candid historian. Dr. Chalmers' rally fell asleep; for, left at night in health, he was life is intimately woven into the history of all found at morn in death. No premonitory symp-national movements, from the day when he aided toms of bodily or mental weakness had prepared to form a small Bible Society at Kilmany, to his his friends for the loss that they were to sustain. last evidence on the site question, before a comHis pallid features bore no vestige of a struggle mittee of the House of Commons. His biographer with the last enemy; and death, in this instance, must have been, from his earliest years, acquainted was very like "translation." All men were sad- with Scotch ecclesiastica! movements: the son of dened by this change; for even those who were a minister who was long justly considered the leader uninfluenced by religious considerations, felt still of the evangelical party amongst the Irish Presbythat a man great in science, wielding an immense terians, and who retains, in extreme old age, no influence by the weight of personal character alone, small influence amongst that body; Dr. Hanna of undoubted benevolence and pure motives, had must have grown up familiar with ecclesiastical passed away, and left a place that would not be proceedings and questions of interest in Scotch soon occupied. It was curious and instructive to affairs, yet in a manner not so likely to warp the mark the haste with which death smoothed down judgment as might be fairly expected, and must fends, and healed animosities, amongst various be cautiously watched, in one who has lived religious bodies. Few men had ever mingled more amongst the actors in party movements from than Dr. Chalmers in polemical and semi-political infancy, and gradually imbibed strong opinidiscussions. His opposition to any cause had been ons regarding them, even before his reason can long deemed a serious hindrance to its success. No have made an intelligent decision on their merits. party felt themselves safe before his marked dis- || Dr. Hanna is a particularly unobtrusive man, but approval, and many whom he opposed were irritated his literary abilities will enable him to use fully under his arguments. At some period of his long and well the rich materials in his power. As editor and active career, he had been led into opposition, of the North British Review, to which Dr. Chalmers nearly to all the various denominations, except regularly contributed, he had the best means of that with which he was at his death connected. ascertaining his relative's impressions regarding Yet the general benevolence of his character had the current of events towards the close of his always soon effaced these breaches; and even his life; and the last volume of the work is likely rebukes breathed a spirit of love and truth. The to be the most interesting. posthumous publication of several works, and espe- It may be considered a curious chain of cially of his short commentaries, has increased the events that has given the narration of this lifeesteem in which he was long regarded in religious that of Scotland's greatest son, in the first part circles. We mention these circumstances as cal--of our century, tɔ an Irish gentleman. It seems culated to increase the responsibility of his bio-to accord completely with one of those objects grapher.

It was some time since announced that his life would be written by his son-in-law, Dr. Hanna, and he has several qualifications of a special

that we know to have been very near to Dr. Chalmers' heart in his lifetime, the strengthen ing of the link that once, more obviously even than now, bound Ulster to Scotland, and Scotland Vol. I. Edinburgh: Sutherland & Knox.

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