reformation, than may be urged from a main principle of reformation, to wit, That no duty of God's worship, nor any ordinance of religion, is to be administered in his church, but such as hath a just warrant from the word of God. And by urging this argument against the baptism of children, Satan transformeth himself into an angel of light."*

Here we may see that Mr. Cotton knew the Baptists among them were not such as are described in the above law; though his charity about them was, that they were deceived by the devil, in pleading plain Scripture against infant baptism, which hath no precept nor example for it in the word of God. And another minister near him, in writing then against the Baptists, ranks them with our first mother Eve, and says, "Hath God said it? was the old serpentine insinuation to blind and beguile, and to corrupt first the judgment in point of warrant of this or that practice." As if a calling in question a custom of men, which is not named in the word of God, was as criminal and dangerous as a disputing the authority and truth of his express command. Of this every one must judge for himself. The Presbyterian assembly of divines at Westminster now denied liberty to their Congregational brethren in England, to have gathered churches there, distinct from their parish churches; and said to them, "This liberty was denied by the churches of New England, and we have as just ground to deny it as they : this desired forbearance is a perpetual drawing away from churches under the rule; for upon the same pretence, those who scruple infant baptism may withdraw from their churches, and so separate into another congregation; and so in that, some practice may be scrupled, and they separate again." Such is the effect of the use of force in religious affairs. And it now caused much trouble to Massachusetts, from men who were really very corrupt in doctrines.

Samuel Gorton had considerable knowledge of the

* Cotton on Baptism, 1647, p. 3. + Crosby, vol. i. p. 186, 187.

† Cobbet on Baptism, p. 8.

1643.]

SAMUEL GORTON.

55

Hebrew and Greek languages, which he made use of to corrupt the word of God. He held the coming and sufferings of Christ to be within his children, and that he was as much in this world at one time as another; or that all which we read about him is to be taken in a mystical sense, which he called spiritual sense. And of the visible church, he says, "Pharisaical interpreters, who erect churches as true churches of God, that admit of decay, and falling from God in whole, or any part thereof, are they who have deceived and undone the world from the foundation thereof unto this day, and are the proper witches of the world, which the Scripture intends." - Again he says, "They can strain out the gnat of dipping into, or sprinkling with water in the entrance into their church." And he says, "Antichrist is not to be confined to any one particular man or devil, but every one of that spirit is the original and proper inlet of sin, and in undation of God's wrath into the world. 1 John ii. 18 22. Neither is the disposition, office, and authority of the Son of God confined and limited to one man; but every one that is of that spirit, hath that royal prerogative or set in him to be the Son of God, even so many as believe in that name." John i. 12.*

And his practice was no better than his principles For he came over to Boston in 1636, where he caused considerable trouble, and then did the like at Plymouth, from whence he went to Newport, and behaved so there, that they inflicted corporeal punishment upon him. He then went and bought some land near Pawtuxet river, in the south part of Providence, in January, 1641; but such contention soon arose among neighbours there, about earthly things, that they came armed into the field to fight; but Mr. Williams interposed and pacified them for the present, and then wrote to Boston for advice and help. This was not granted from thence, unless they would come under the Massachusetts government. And as difficulties continued great in that place, four men went from Pawtuxet to Boston, in September, 1642, and sub

* Antidote against Pharisaical teachers, p. 42. 60, 61

mitted themselves and their lands under that government; and then their rulers wrote to Gorton and others to come to Boston, and answer to the complaints of these men. But they were so far from going, that they wrote a long letter, containing a mystical paraphrase upon their writing, and many provoking sentences against said rulers, and their religious principles and conduct, and a refusal to go, dated November 20, 1642, signed by twelve men. And to get out of their reach, these men went over the river, and bought the lands at Shawomet, of the Indians, and received a deed of it, January 12, 1643, signed by Miantanimo and Pumham.

In May following the general court at Boston sent men into those parts; and finding that Gorton and his company were gone out of what they called their jurisdiction, they got Pumham and Socononco, two Indian sachems, to come to Boston in June, and to submit themselves and their lands unto their government, and then to enter a complaint against Gorton and his company, that they had taken away their lands, by the influence of Miantanimo, who forced Pumham to sign the deed, as they said, though he would not receive any of the pay for it. Upon which the governor and one assistant wrote to Gorton and his company to come to Boston, and answer to these complaints; and they sent to Miantanimo also to come to Boston for the same end. But Gorton and his company sent a long and provoking letter, and refused to go. Miantanimo went down and justified his sale of those lands, and said those sachems were his subjects, or rulers under him. And it appears by many writings, that he was a man of the greatest powers of mind, and of the greatest influence among the Indians of almost any one in the land, which caused the English to be greatly afraid of him.

After much consultation, commissioners from New Haven, Connecticut, Plymouth, and Massachusetts, met at Boston in September, and signed articles of confederation for mutual assistance and defence; that two commissioners from each colony should meet once a year, or oftener, if necessary, to order the general affairs of all,

1643.] GORTON AND OTHERS CONFINED.

57

while the internal government of each should be as before. And Massachusetts declared that Shawomet was within Plymouth colony, and called upon them to relieve the Indians there, whom they said Gorton's company had oppressed; but rather than attempt it, they gave up all the right they had there to Massachusetts, and the other commissioners assented to it.

Massachusetts then put their government into a posture of war, and sent three officers and forty armed soldiers to Shawomet, and brought Gorton and a number of his company to Boston by force. They also brought away about eighty head of their cattle, to pay the cost of this expedition. And when they had got these men there, they left the affair about lands, and tried them for their lives upon a charge of heresy and blasphemy; but a small majority saved their lives for that time; and they enacted that Samuel Gorton, John Weeks, Randal Holden, Robert Potter, Richard Carder, Francis Weston, and John Warner, should be confined in seven of their chief towns, during the pleasure of the court, to work for their living, and not to publish their errors nor to speak against the government, each upon pain of death. Some others had smaller punishments.

In the mean time war had broken out between the Narragansets and the Mohegans, in which Uncas prevailed, and took Miantanimo prisoner, and carried him to Hartford, and left him in the hands of the English, at his own request; and when the commissioners met at Boston in September, they debated about what they should do with him; and though they could not see any right they had to put him to death, yet they feared that if he was set at liberty it would be very dangerous to themselves, and therefore they delivered him to Uncas, for him to execute him without torture, which he did.* Thus one evil leads on to others, like the breaking forth of waters.

For the confinement of Gorton and his company did no good to them, and it caused uneasiness to many of their own people; and therefore when the general court met

Winthrop, p. 262. 295. 303. 305, 306.

at Boston, March 7, 1644, they passed an act, which said, "It is ordered that Samuel Gorton and the rest of that company, who stand confined, shall be set at liberty; provided that if they or any of them shall, after fourteen days after such enlargement, come within any part of our jurisdiction, either in Massachusetts, or in or near Providence, or any of the lands of Pumham and Socononco, or elsewhere within our jurisdiction, then such person or persons shall be apprehended, wheresoever they may be taken, and shall suffer death by course of law; provided also, that during all their continuance in our bounds inhabiting for the said time of fourteen days, they shall be still bound to the rest of the articles of their former confinement, upon the penalty therein expressed."

Thus it stands upon their records. And one of the officers who brought them to Boston, says, "To be sure there be them in New England, that have Christ Jesus and his blessed ordinances in such esteem, that, the Lord assisting, they had rather lose their lives than suffer them to be thus blasphemed, if they can help it. And whereas some have favoured them, and endeavoured to bring under blame such as have been zealous against their abominable doctrines; the good God be favourable unto them, and prevent them from coming under the like blame with Ahab. Yet they remained in their old way; and there is somewhat to be considered in it, to be sure, that in these days, when all look for the fall of antichrist, such detestable doctrines should be upheld, and persons suffered, who exceed the beast himself for blasphemy; and this to be done by those that would be counted reformers, and such as seek the utter subversion of antichrist."*

This history was finished in 1652; and it discovers the sincerity of the actors in those measures, which now appear very strange. And if any men had a right to use force with others about religious affairs, perhaps these were as pious men as ever did so, as I observed before. But nothing serves more to prejudice sinful men against the truth, than injurious treatment from those who teach

*Johnson's History, p. 187.