friends, still more necessary to oppose
many hundreds, who, during the first
registry after the reform bill, obtained
the franchise on false claims, which the
then dismayed spirit of Conservatism
suffered to be brought forward almost
without opposition. Let the public bear
in mind, that the registration proceedings
of the year 1839 will finally settle the
contest in the city of Dublin for many
years to come. To place our present
triumphant position beyond peril or doubt,
it is estimated that each registry session,
during the remainder of this year, will
probably last two months, and conse-
quently the expenses of the committee
must be very much augmented; if their
funds now fall away, nay, if they are not
immediately increased, all their previous
labours, all their previous expenditure,
I will have been useless. It is here right
to observe, that the funds at the disposal
of the committee would not at any period
have been sufficient, had they not met
with the support of some most hard-
working and disinterested individuals,
who have continued to employ their
whole energies, time and abilities, in as-
sisting the committee. Mr. Hyndman,
a gentleman thoroughly conversant with
every thing connected with the law re-
lating to registry, has, since the forma-
tion of this committee, attended, session
after session, every day in the court, to
defend the rights of our claimants, and
oppose the fictitious claims of the Radi-
cals. Those only, who have been engaged
in a similar duty, can estimate the labours
and perseverance its discharge requires.
To Mr. Hyndman the Conservatives of
Dublin owe a large debt of gratitude, a
debt the magnitude of which they can
only estimate, when informed that his
invaluable services have been gratuitous."

Are we not, therefore, justified in recommending this cause to the liberality of the public at large? Already most important results are observable, from the degree in which the Conservative electors in other places have caught their spirit, or followed their example. In the county of Dublin such an improvement has taken place as warrants us in believing that it will not, much longer, be misrepresented. In Wicklow, at least one representative might be secured. Newry, by the exertions of its registration committee, has been won; Belfast, the same; Londonderry is rapidly following their example, and, upon the first opportunity, will vindicate its ancient fame. In Carlow, in the Queen's county, we have every reason to hope that the most prosperous results will attend the

Conservative efforts to disenthral them
from their present state of ignominious
bondage. In Longford, much was done,
and much still might be done, and
much, we trust, yet will be done, for
the cause of genuine liberty. How
happens it, that, of late, the efforts of
the Conservative electors have been
remitted? We know the difficulties
with which they have had to struggle.
We know the priestly and government
influence which has been employed for
the purpose of Mulgravising their
noble county.
But we know, also,

their spirit; we know their principles ;
we know their stern determination to
be free; and we tell them that they are
not ordinary difficulties which should
cause them to remit, at the present
moment, their constitutional exertions,
in a contest the issue of which must be
life or death to civil and religious
liberty. Men of Longford, hold it
criminal to despair. Be up and doing
in this eventful crisis. There is now
a dawn of better prospects; and by a
little longer perseverance, your consti-
tuency will be placed in a condition to
bid defiance to all your enemies. The
following are the words of justifiable
pride in which the committee conclude
their report:-

"This committee have observed, with great pleasure, that their example has stimulated other constituencies to increased exertion. When they commenced a resistance to the democratic party in Dublin, the attempt was generally considered hopeless. Their success in one or two registries was looked upon as the result of some fortuitous circumstance, and it was still believed to be impossible permanently to pull down the Radical majority; when however, session followed session, and always with the same cheering results, then our well-wishers began to believe that our enterprise was not chimerical; and they began to think that similar exertions might be attended with similar effects elsewhere. This happened in Belfast, Londonderry, (where our example was expressly appealed to,) in the county of Wicklow, county of Dublin, and many other parts of Ireland. in England, we have reason to know that our efforts had a good effect, by the example they afforded, and the proof they exhibited, that a strong Conservative party was at work in Dublin, a party whose very existence was doubted in England. The following extract from the Glasgow Constitutional of the 27th February, 1839, proves that the effects of our exertions extended also to Scotland:

Even

"It is with sincere pleasure we learn

from the Dublin Evening Mail, confirmed by the O'Connell press, and vouched by O'Connell himself at a Precursor meeting, that the Conservatives in the Irish metropolis are gradually increasing their strength on the registry, and can now boast of a very large majority in both county and city. The exertions of our Protestant Conservative brethren in Ireland in this respect are beyond all praise. They have stood defeat once and again; and in spite of the frowning of the viceregal authority, the insidious acts of the priests, and the brutality of the mob-in spite, too, of adverse decisions from a Whig-Radical election committee-they have, notwithstanding their necessarily great expenditure, constantly rallied in the registration courts, till at length a sure majority has been attained. What

a noble example is this to follow, and how it should strengthen the arms of the Conservative Association of Glasgow in the good work of registration! Here such adverse influences are unknown; and having the mass of the wealth and respectability of the city and neighbourhood on our side, if we but continue the labours of registration, so auspiciously begun in former years, we shall ere long see every parliamentary seat in the west of Scot land occupied by a staunch Conserva

tive.'

"The unexpected resistance which the democratic party encountered in the city of Dublin has considerably abated their overweening confidence in their own powers, and has tended much to check the before rapidly advancing spirit of change. The Conservatives of the empire ought to bear in mind, that there is no surer way of arresting the forward march of revolution than attacking it; when placed on the defensive it is comparatively powerless. Let the radical constituencies be everywhere assailed in the registration courts, and the radicals will soon cease to be aggressive.

"The Conservatives of Dublin must

not suppose that a victory so important as the rescue of the city of Dublin from the hands of O'Connell can be achieved without further and greater exertion. We are now placed in front of an enemy who is fully prepared for a last and decisive struggle. He is now amply provided with

funds derived from the Precursor Association, and he is supported by a whole tribe of unscrupulous but hard-working agents, stimulated to great exertion by the many lucrative places bestowed on their prede

cessors.

"The distinguished military author of a late brochure on the battle of Waterloo, has commenced his account with the following observations, which seem pecu

liarly applicable to the present state of our constitutional struggle.

"In all conflicts between nearly equally matched forces there is a "crisis,” up to which all previous advantages may be forfeited, and all previous disasters may be retrieved; but after which, the success of one party, and the defeat of the other, are established beyond a change.

“Modern military writers have dwelt largely upon the importance of watching and being prepared for this critical moment; and Napoleon is reported to have said of it, that victory is to him who has the best reserve at hand, when it arrives.'

"The crisis has indeed arrived, and is this moment at hand. Hitherto the battle between the defenders and assailants of the British constitution has been carried on with varied and indecisive success; latterly, indeed, the champions of civil and religious liberty have seemed to gain ground, but the advantages obtained in England have been counterbalanced by reverses in Ireland. Ireland is now the battle-ground on which the fate of the whole empire will be decided, and that speedily. In vain have the loyalists in England withstood the hottest and most desperate assaults of the revolutionary party, if we are overwhelmed. cannot, it must not be. But it English brethren with confidence and hope, and we implore their aid. Let them give us but a little pecuniary assistance, and O'Connell will be driven from the representation of the city of Dublin, and then will the crisis' be in our favour.

We look to our

"The committee close this appeal to the Conservatives of Dublin, and the empire at large, with the earnest exhortation, that each will, in proportion to his means, contribute to the support of the principles he so much reveres."

Such are the advantages which the excellent men composing this committee have conferred upon their country. We say, emphatically, upon their counfrom securing a Conservative constitry, because the advantages arising tuency for Dublin, are not confined to this city alone, nor, in fact, circumscribed within any less extensive limits than those which comprehend the entire empire. Have we not lately seen O'Connell adopted as the chosen advocate of the popish canaille of Newfoundland? Do we not know that he is regarded with hope and with exultation by every profligate democrat in the whole kingdom? The advantage, therefore, of a blow struck against him in Dublin, must tell against the destructive interest which he represents every where else, and operate, pro tanto, as a rescue of

the county from popish and radical domination; and we say, accordingly, that upon this enlarged and, only rational view of the subject, the Dublin committee are well entitled to pecuniary aid, from every man, in every part of the country, who sincerely desires to see an end to the base and vulgar tyranny, which must, if it but proceed a little longer, ensure universal

ruin.

filled, and transferred to sciolism and incapacity, the honours and the responsibilities of approved wisdom and hoary experience. Wellington, Peel, Lyndhurst, Aberdeen, the men of European reputation, where are they? The world looks for them in vain amongst the confidential advisers of her majesty ;and sees, "proh pudor" in their stead, Melbourne, Normanby, Lord John Russell, Spring Rice, the worthy representatives of all that is unsound in principle, and shallow and empyrical in legislation! Why is this? Why is it that we are thus, as a nation, disgraced and endangered! Because the Conservative party have not as yet achieved a majority in the Commons House of Parliament! That is, in other words, because the Conservative constituencies have not as yet done their duty! Thank God, the prospect begins to brighten. Every day and every hour brings us tidings of the progress of a better state of things. The recent elections in Devonshire and in Ayrshire are but symptomatic of that general reaction, which, despite all the paralyzing influence of a most unprincipled and desperate ministry, is hap pily, taking place throughout the entire empire. No doubt remains, that, upon a dissolution of parliament, a large majority, pledged to Conservative principles, would now be returned, by whom the proud waves of revolution would be stayed. But there is just as little doubt that no dissolution will, at present, be attempted. The game of ministers will be to precipitate the session of parliament to an early close, and then work every engine of government for the getting up of a revolutionary spirit, by which the march of Conservative feeling may be arrested. For this they possess many facilities; power, station, the ear of a confiding sovereign, the countenance of all who are heady and intemperate, the haters of the church, the enemies of the monarchy, the papists, the infidels, all who are malignant amongst the dissenters; and they are prompted by every motive which could actuate needy and desperate men, to leave no opportunity unemployed by which the return to office of their political antagonists may be prevented. We must, therefore, be up and doing. We must maintain and extend our advantages, if we would be saved. We reiterate, therefore, the words of our leader, "the battle of the constitution must be fought at the registries." And we trust in

As every member of parliament is appointed to consult for the interest, not of the particular place which he represents, but of the whole empire; so every particular constituency is more or less concerned in the qualifications, not merely of the member by which it is represented, but of every other member, who may be sent by other constituencies, to consult, in parliament assembled, for the common weal. We, therefore, would suggest, that those whose counties, or whose boroughs are at peace, who are happily exempted from the turmoil of an election contest, should extend their consideration to those places where the struggle is yet going on, and aid in the efforts which may be made to increase and strengthen the Conservative interest, that in them also sound constitutional principles may gain so decided an ascendency, that the representatives of religion and loyalty may be returned, happily, with out a contest. They should not consider the force of which they may be possessed, a force which may be disbanded, because they themselves have no immediate occasion for it; but rather as a disposable force, which may be removed, as occasion might suggest, for the aid of the general Conservative army, to those quarters where its assistance may be critically useful. This is the only manner in which war can be successfully waged against such an enemy as we have to contend with. Those who would preserve our institutions, must be alive to the perils by which they are beset, from the host of needy and desperate profligates to whom the reform bill has given the entree into the House of Commons. Their numbers must be diminished, and their exertions must be counteracted, if the empire is to be saved from dismemberment, or the country rescued from degradation. The reform bill has given us our present ministers. It has banished from places of trust and power, the truly able and honest men by whom they might be most worthily

MINISTERIAL MANEUVRES.