but an ignorance of the nature of man. The error which, in their liberality, modern politicians seek to perpepetuate, is one which, if left to itself, would very speedily pass away. It resembles the acute diseases to which the human frame is liable, which, if treated judiciously, or even left to themselves, will soon wear out, and become extinct; whereas, if they are tampered with by the empyric, they become fixed in some chronic malady, which may last for life, and by which existence is rendered a burden. Just so is it with such dissent as the majority of that which contends for mastery with the Church of England. Let it alone, and let the establishment be well worked in its neighbourhood, and how soon will it disappear! Take it up, and endow it, and put its ministers, in all respects, upon a level with those of the establishment, and its perpetuity is guaranteed, nor can any exposure of its unsoundness effectually prevail against it, so that it shall not always mar the unity of the church, and continue a thorn in the side of true religion. True religion is, as it were, the central point of oscillation, between the extremes, of coldness on the one hand, and extravagance on the other. Happy the people who have hit upon the golden mean, and whose religious system is such as to exclude all that is erroneous or unscriptural, while, in its doctrine, its discipline, its liturgy, and its canons, it contains all that is truly valuable "for warning, for reproof, for edification, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works." When a system of this kind has once been established, its well-being should not be lightly hazarded, by giving heed to every crude objection which fanciful or interested innovators may allege against it. Its uses are too manifold, and its advantages far too precious, to be jeoparded at the will of every pertinacious gain-sayer; and, instead of making levity or caprice the arbiters of its destiny, the rulers should regard with a wholesome suspicion the conduct and the counsels of those by whom it is set at nought; and rather endeavour that it should be so administered as that it might live down calumny, than that those who contemn it should be so aided and countenanced as that, by their calumnies, it may, in the end, be overthrown. Let us not, for a moment, be supposed to deprecate fair discussion. By fair discussion the Church of England never can suffer. Yea, by fair discussion, by an appeal to the law and to the testimony, do we desire that she should alone be judged. Let her be weighed in that balance, and rejected if she is found wanting. But let not passion, or prejudice, or ignorance, or malevolence, be encouraged, wantonly, to crest themselves against her. Let not every man be told, that he may rack his invention for the discovery of some new creed, for that, as soon as he succeeds in enrolling a few disciples, no matter what may be the complexion of their belief, he will be reputed as an authorised religious teacher by the government of the country! Let not dissent be regarded as an article of export, with which interested individuals may be encouraged to carry on a gainful trade. If it must arise in the colonies, let it arise spontaneously, as it has arisen at home; and if it must flourish, let it flourish from its own resources. But let a wise government be satisfied with making due provision for an establishment, by which every moral and religious want is so abundantly and so judiciously provided for, as they are by the Church of Englanda Church by which, while freedom of enquiry is encouraged, extravagance is repressed-while a reverence for antiquity is inculcated, a slavish subserviency is interdicted-a Church which provides their appropriate spiritual nutriment for every individua!, through all varieties of condition and character, entrusted to her care-which rises to the height of the loftiest intellect, and descends to the level of the humblest understanding; not confining its attention to the mind, alone, of its votaries, but pre-occupying the imagination also, and engaging the affections; which benignly and graciously matriculates the community over which she presides, and, like the ben in Scripture, expands her wings, and would fain make all safe under her feathers-a Church which the wisest and best of men have ever held in the choicest veneration, and acknowledged as the source of spiritual blessings, the rarest and the most heart-reviving they ever enjoyed; which has given birth to a band of champions, not inferior to any the world has ever seen, in the vindication of Christian truth, and the elucidation of Holy Scripture; and nourished and brought up a race of devoted adherents who, for genuine piety and holiness, have never been excelled: witness Herbert, witness Jewell, witness Hooker, witness Andrews, witness Bedell, witness Taylor, witness Wilson, and a host of others; who would have acknowledged, with gratitude, that they derived their choicest spiritual nutriment from feeding upon the manna of her inestimable formularies-a Church which relies for her authority upon her character, instead of relying for her character upon her authority-which is built upon the written word, the eternal truth of God, and eschews the horrible impiety of making that word of none effect by her traditions-which, assuming to be a guide, without presuming to be a dictatress, wins her way by the gentle and affectionate earnestness of her admonitions and warnings; so respecting reason, as to make the most submissive of her votaries feel that her service is perfect freedom; and so engaging the heart, as to ensure a more unlimited dominion over the best and purest of its affections, than ever the Church of Rome has been enabled to accomplish by all the thunders of its power, or the blasphemous arrogance of its assumed infallibility! Such is the character of the "dominant Church," which the liberals in England would fain extinguish, and by which the radicals in Canada are scandalized; and which Governor Arthur's proclamation, as far as it is to be deemed conclusive, may be said to have proscribed !* Nor is it in the colonies alone that the church establishment has been But neglected. At home the neglect of ཤ almost unanimous testimony that his conduct in parliament met with their approbation. The same result followed at Port Glasgow. The hon. gentleman was received with the liveliest demonstrations of regard; and his speech, from which the following is an extract, made an impression that will not soon be forgotten: "The population, as I have told you, has swelled, in little more than a hundred years, from eight millions to twenty-four millions. Our people are day by day marching forward in increase with the pace of a giant. In our large towns they are annually extending in thousands and tens of thousands. And what increase have you made of those institutions which provide for the instruction of the people? Why, the fact is just this, that while the population has been thus growing from eight to four-and-twenty millions, the institutions for the instruction of the people have remained stationary! How, then, can any man wonder that there should be thousands of our countrymen sunk in ignorance and prejudice, when statesmen have done nothing for their moral improvement? If it was wise in our statesmen to provide the existing churches and schools for the instruction of the people, when Scotland became connected with England at the Union, surely it must be monstrously unwise in us to have done nothing since that time to add to that provision; and no wonder that these neglected people should have become a prey to the arts of demagogues. We have gone on with our manufactures -we have gone on with our trade and our commerce-but we have not gone on to make provision for the instruction of our people who have increased along with them. We have run our railways-we have increased our roads and canals—we have extended our shipping-we have built factories-and all this while, the human beings who have been gathering around us have been allowed to remain as ignorant as ever-as uneducated as ever, and yet we have expected they should also remain as peaceable as ever. If they are to be left in this state of ignorance, they will tear society to pieces. Our manufactures cannot stand-our commerce cannot stand, in the midst of an ignorant What course, and prejudiced people. then, you ask me, ought to be pursued ? Our present ministers admit that we must have an Established Church, not because The Standard newspaper saw at once the mischief likely to arise from the Governor's folly, and protested against it. The Times, we regret to say, does not see it in the same light; but seems still, upon that subject, infected with the spurious liberality which has been the source of so much evil. it is an old institution, but because it spreads religious truth and sound principles amongst the people. For the good of the people-that is the reason why an Established Church ought to be upheld. Don't talk to me of its being an old and venerable institution, and that therefore it must be maintained. It was instituted for the instruction of the people-it is maintained for the good of the peopleand that is what the Whigs say is the principle of an Established Church. Then was there ever such conduct on the part of sane men, as to keep up the Established Church in precisely the same condition in which it was fitted, in 1700, for the instruction of eight millions of people, when that number has swelled to sixteen millions more? And when this state of things produces its natural effects in the discontent and turbulence of the neglected masses, our ministers express great surprise, and wonder what can be the grievance of which they complain. They have left them in a state of ignorance and vice, and yet they wonder why they are not in a condition of contentment and peace. I don't care who the ministers may be-I am speaking of all the governments who have existed in this country within the period to which I have referred. It is all one to me whether the minister is Sir Robert Peel or Lord Melbourne-I say when the population is growing up uninstructed, and when the minister sleeps and folds his hands in this state of things, he is like the man who sleeps and folds his hands amidst the dykes in Holland, when they are breaking up, and the water is bursting in upon him--just such is the conduct of the minister who feeds his friends, and distributes his patronage, and enjoys his place, regardless alike of the danger which threatens the national interests, and of the welfare of the people of England and Scotland. Have the ministers done any thing to redress this state of things? why they have done a great deal to aggravate it. Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell were commissioners of the Church of England; and, as commissioners, they both admitted in their report that the destitution of that establishment, in regard to church accommodation, was enormous. Have they, then, increased the provision of the English establishment? why they atempt ted to commit a petty larceny on the Church of England. Instead of endeavouring to extend its provisions, and give the people more church accommodation, they brought a bill into parliament in which they attempted to peel and strip off pieces of the Church of England. And what have they done in the Church of Ireland? They cut off part of that church, and attempted to cut off still more; and one of the members of the government-one of the confidential advisers of the cabinet-declared last session in his place in parliament, that the Irish Church must be pulled down! What have they done for the Church of Scotland? They instituted an inquiry, and proved-proved to their own condemnation-by the report of their commissioners, that there are tens of thousands of people in Scotland totally destitute of religious instruction; and instead of proceeding as honest men to redeem their pledge and apply the remedy, they told us they would give us no remedy whatever. They have attempted the robbery of the Church of England-the spoliation of the Church of Ireland-the starvation of the Church of Scotland. This is the way they supply the enormous moral wants of this country -this is the remedy they offer for the increasing ignorance of the people of this country-this is the provision they make for the wretchedness, and degradation, and growing danger of this country. But there is another part of the Established Church, and an essential part, and that is the schools. What have they done in the cause of education? They have come forward, after the lapse of six years, and told us that education is necessary. At last they have been brought to make that admission. After revelling and gloating for years in the enjoyment of their extensive patronage-after squandering their places, and giving away their old appointments, and inventing new ones, and after having become conspicuous in this walk of public plunder, they have only now bethought themselves that something ought really to be done for the cause of education. Well, then, they have two plans of education before them-one a new plan, the other an old plan, the plan of having the schools connected with the church, under the superintendence of the church, and in which is taught the religion of the church, which is the religion of the Bible. Now what have they done in Scotland for education? Here we have a system of education which has changed us from being a barbarous into a civilised people-from a poor to a thriving people. The new plan, of which no one has ever seen the effects, or seen the system, is intended to teach knowledge without sectarian religion-an education in which the Bible is to be practically excluded, and in which the morality of the child is to be left to itself. I admit they have tried it for a few years in Ireland, and a noble work, an admirable exhibition they have given of it there. That is the new suit, the new livery of our bondage and degradation, in which they now propose to invest us. They have, then, two plans before them. The one has been worked in Scotland for two hundred years :-the other, the new plan, is a ricketty, hobbling bantling just crept out of its cradle, and the sooner it returns to its mother earth the better. When these plans were before parliament in 1826 I assume that the Scottish system which has been so long in operation is always before statesmen-Lord Lansdowne fell into a rapture of delight, and declared he was in perfect raptures with the new plan. No sooner did Mr. Wyse propose it in the House of Commons, than Lord John Russell, although he did not go all the length, agreed with it in part. No sooner did the Irish system come before parliament, than the money was voted, and the plan put in operation. But the Scottish schools, what said they of them? We asked in the last session a grant for education in Scotland; but what said the Chancellor of the Exchequer? Not a farthing! we have given £50,000 to the Irish schools; we cannot give you a farthing; but I will tell you what we will give you-we will give you a Committee of Inquiry! A Committee of Inquiry, be it observed, which was so licited by Mr. Wallace and Mr. Gillon, who both avow themselves to be the enemies of our parish schools. That is what the Chancellor of the Exchequer offered to give; we asked for bread, and he filled our mouth with a handful of chaff. When Lord John Russell was in Liverpool lately, he saw two schools there, partaking somewhat of the Irish system. He had thousands of schools connected both with the orthodox dissenters and the Church of England, in which religion is taught as in our own schools in Scotland. Does he visit and approve of these schools? not one of them; but he is in perfect raptures with these new schools in Liverpool; and he and his secretary Mr. Stanley, rise over their wine, and express the delight which they had felt in contemplating the success of these new schools. So that while the Whig government are opposed to our parish schools, they are delighted beyond measure with the infidel system of the Irish schools; and that is the system by which they propose to remedy the prevailing ignorance of this country a system which will never accomplish the object they have in view, I am not going to talk to you of the foreign policy of the government; although in a commercial community like yours, depending in common with the manufacturing community on our foreign trade, such a topic is not unworthy of consideration. Why, as far as I can study the map of Europe, I don't see in the wide circuit of Europe a single friend to Great Britain. It seems to me that the effect of the policy pursued by our government has been to alienate from us all our old friends and alies, and not to have made a single new one. I don't see a single State willing to befriend us, or that is not watching its opportunity to take advantage of us. We see blockades commenced by other States, which our minister wants the firmness to prevent or terminate. Look to Canada-look to the state of our Colonies-and the general interests of the country, and especially of a commercial town like this, are closely dependent upon a good understanding subsisting in our Colonies. You all know the state of Newfoundland, distracted by a faction headed by the popish priests. What is the state of Canada? Much has been said, and much expected of Lord Durham's policy there; but have no faith in a policy which tampers with the popish priests, and tampers with the worst enemies of British connection. Ask government for money to extend the means of Protestant education, and they will tell you, not one farthing; while they are sending out, at the public expense, popish bishops to Australia, to India, to the Cape of Good Hope. Under their countenance popery is flourishing in Canada; and in all these colonies, government is just sowing among the people the seeds of disaffection, which in due time will spring up and prove the destruction of our connection with these colonies. What can we expect, then, but that we should have our colonies torn from us? And when we see our government rolled in the mire, and licking the dust of every State in the world, what can we expect but that a policy so paralysed, degraded, bemired should lead to the dismemberment of our possessions, and be followed by conflicts without and discontent within? What is the state of Ireland? Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Sheil used to tell us ministers were doing wonders for Ireland spreading balmy peace, perfect tranquillity in Ireland. What does Mr. O'Connell say now? In the late session he declared, For his part he never knew Ireland in such danger; if something were not done to satisfy the people, collision, he feared, would take place.' And Mr, Sheil says, I think that you are now speaking of Ireland as in a state of perpect tranquillity; you should remember that for the last six years Ireland has been agitated; Ireland is in a state of extreme confusion.' Never did these gentlemen speak words of more entire truth. Lord Brougham, again, tells you his letters from Ireland speak of danger to life and property, which is fearful to THEY MAY AS WELL ATTEMPT TO STAND PREVENT THE SURGE FROM BREAKING AGAINST IT, AS EXPECT TO KEEP OUT THE SWELLING TIDE OF IGNORANCE, AND VICE, AND RUIN WHICH THREATENS TO SWEEP OVER THE COUNTRY. I tell them that if the people are to be left in their present condition, there will come, after all their Conservative triumphs, a radical re-action which will sweep away their triumphs with a succession of destructive organic changes. And therefore I would implore them, as they value the rights of property and the peace of the country, to lose no time in manfully avowing their determination, never to rest till Scotland, and England, and Ireland are completely supplied with parish churches and parish schools. There is no other remedy, they may rest assured, for the disease that preys on this country. contemplate. This, it appears, is the state of the country under the new and liberal, but weak, and wavering, and de- ATLANTIC, AND EXPECT THAT THEY WILL lusive policy of the present government. Now, if these are my opinions of the present policy of ministers, let me now frankly avow my opinions of that which they ought to pursue. The only policy that either will or ought to satisfy the people, is a straightforward and manly policy. We know that there is discontent in England-we know that there is discontent in Scotland, and deeper discontent in Ireland; but I should not have the slightest fear for the result, if our politicians in high places would deal honestly by the people. I do not blame the people, the masses of the people, for these meetings at Westminster, at Kersel Moor, and in Ireland. If you deal with these men plainly and manfully, you will find them honest-hearted and candid. I would not tell them they are right; I would tell them at once they are seeking what they cannot attain-I would tell them boldly and honestly that they are pursuing a course which is extremely dangerous, and which will bring ruin on the interests of the whole country. But before all things, I would, in dealing with the institutions of the country, tell the people of England, and Scotland, and Ireland, what I mean by the institutions of the country. I would have done with all the fine expressions about the British constitution -toasted at dinners, and sounded in speeches, and which may mean any thing or nothing. I would tell them that the object of our religious and educational institutions is to secure for every man instruction for himself, and instruction for his children. I would tell him these institutions were left him by his ancestors -that they were founded for his benefit -that the growth of the population had not been accompanied with a corresponding growth of these institutions, which had prevented him from deriving the good from them to which he is entitled; but that it is his right, and therefore the duty of every statesman, to take care that the deficiency should now be remedied that there should be churches, and schools along with the churches, so that there should be for every 2000 persons a parish church, and for every 1000 a parish school. I would have no arguing about the defence of the church; that policy might do for a time, but it will do no longer. And I must say in this the heyday of Conservative triumph, if that party mean to keep the church and the education of the country in its present stateif they mean to leave the millions of our neglected people uninstructed and uneducated-I tell them, if that is their meaning, Such is the plain unvarnished truth. Our religious establishments have not tion. Hence the dark and brooding kept pace with our increasing populaheathenism that is in many places overspreading the land! and hence the evil spirit which so daringly manifests itself against our ancient monarchical and ecclesiastical institutions! Such is the deplorable fact! Irreligion and ignorance are the strongholds of radicalism; and both must be on the increase so long as church ministrations and church accommodation fall short of the requirements of the people. Statesmen should hold in mind that the law which governs supply and demand in matters of religion, is directly the reverse of that which governs them in matters of trade. In the latter case demand will produce supply-in the former case, supply is required to produce demand. Besides, even the ceive, that while men may be safely mere worldly politician ought to perleft to themselves, so far as their own temporal interests are concerned, they cannot, and should not, be left to themselves when the well-being of the community is concerned ;—and most deeply is it concerned in every thing which relates to their moral improvement. If ignorance and want of proper instruction, beget irreligion; irreligion will beget profligacy; and profligacy must lead to social disorganization; so that, humanly speaking, the state has an interest in the proper bringing up of its subjects, not less pressing than any other which leads it to provide for the public weal; nor should any di |