would be so much puzzled to find fault with.

It was our original intention to have attempted an analysis of this volume, but a number of motives have induced us to relinquish it. It is a book so much in the hands of every one, that our usual motive for so much labour, that of giving our readers information of the contents of a work, is wanting. We are afraid too, that we could not effect our design without engaging more deeply in political discussion, than our feelings and habits, and probably pow'ers, will admit. We are, from principle, averse from making our work a political tract, and are therefore willing to suppose any argument strong, which opposes our engaging in the discussion of local politicks. We shall leave this volume, therefore with a few general observations on the merit of the work.

The more we have examined this volume, the more firmly have we been convinced, that it will be read by posterity with the deepest interest. The political history of our country will, we doubt not, hereafter be the most important, which the records of the world can afford. It is to display the effects of civilization on government and manners, decide the question of the utilty of a complete separation of civil and religious power, and put to the fairest possible test the degree of freedom of every kind, with which our nature can be trusted. much also will be learned by the observers of human nature, as by the politician; and we fear, that the account of the origin and progress of parties among us will confirm the theories of the most gloomy moralists. On most of these subjects the book of Judge Marshall will be found to contain the most important infor

As

mation; but particularly on the last. When hereafter it shall anxiously be inquired, what were the causes, which drew up a party in array against such a constitution as ours, and so administered as it was by Washington, this volume. will be consulted, as an original and authentick document. We dare not trust ourselves with predicting the opinions, which will then be formed; but we think it becomes every man, who embraces with warmth the cause of either of the great parties, which divide us, to examine with attention the account, which this book will afford him, of the conduct and characters of the principal leaders.

Another circumstance, which we think gives a peculiar value to this volume, is, the insight which it gives into the history of the foreign relations of our country. There is no political topick, on which there appears a more universal ignorance, than on that of the management of our diplomatick affairs, and, from the nature of the subject, even the account of Judge Marshall is necessarily imperfect. The information however, which is given, is extremely interesting. If we should select the parts of this volume, which appear to us to be most original and spirited, we should point to the account of the proceedings of Genet, and the narrative of the negotiation of the British treaty. But we must now either enter into a particular examination of the work, or here close our observations. We prefer the latter, and shall therefore proceed to make some remarks on the style of the whole work.

It is the general character of the style of these volumes to be easy, fluent, perspicuous, and dignified; but when we come to examine it

with minuteness, this praise must be a good deal modified. It is easy, but its ease is not always graceful; it is fluent, but often also careless; it is usually perspicuous, but it is sometimes made obscure by violations of the rules of rhetorick; it is commonly dignified, but it is sometimes more elevated than the subject. It is the style of a man more accustomed to speak than to write; it abounds therefore with unauthorized idioms, parliamentary circumlocutions, and technical barbarisms; nor is it always free from grammatical impurities. There is also a good deal of that loose and unmeaning verbiage, which, if we were not speaking of Judge Marshall, we should be tempted to call newspaper slang; and which, as so many of us are in the habit of taking all our literature from the journals, we seriously fear will become the characteristick of the American style. We mean by this, that we observe an inattention to the force and even meaning of words, a disregard of the distinction between their literal and metaphorical use; in short, to tell the truth plainly, we think we see too many proofs that the study of a pure, logical, and classical style has not occupied enough of his attention. We will give a sentence, tak en at hazard, as an illustration of these remarks.

Unable to pay the interest [of the foreign debt,] they [the United States] would, in the course of the succeeding year, be liable for the first instalment of the principal; and the humiliating circumstance was to be encountered of a total failure to comply with the most solemn engagements, unaccompanied with the prospect of being enabled to give assurances, that, at any future time, their situation would be more eligible.

Vol. v. p. 60.

"Liable for the first instalment" can hardly be tolerated out of a court of justice. The objection to the remainder of the sentence, we are persuaded, every reader accustomed to pure English will feel; though it is not easy to give the whole of it in a few words. A circumstance may be encountered by the help of a trope; but to encounter a circumstance, unaccompanied with a prospect, requires more valour than we possess. We are aware, that the meaning of several of these words has almost ceased to be figurative; and, though we should have thought this a careless sentence, we certainly should not have quoted it as extremely faulty, if such negligence and looseness of expression were not so very frequent. Let us take another example of the kind.

same

"From these or from other causes, the crisis of the pressure on individuals seemed to be passing away, and brighter prospects to be opening on them.". Vol. v. p. 178.

As we think Judge Marshall's authority, in other respects, great enough to give authority to faults of this kind, we have taken the trouble to turn over his volumes, and here subjoin a list of inaccuracies, which it would have been easy to enlarge.

We observe every where the common Americanisms of the use of "progress" as a verb, "lengthy" for long, "to conduct" as a reciprocal verb, "executive"* as a noun, &c. &c. of which we suppose it is now almost useless to complain.

In Vol. I. p. 70. "Laws which are the oldest legislative rules of action now remaining of record."

*This, we rather think, we have succecded in incorporating into the language, as it is now in general use in England.

The phrase," legislative rules," has a very different meaning from rules made by the legislature, which we presume are meant. "Of record" is either an errour of the press for "on record," or it is a legal barbarism.

"They landed in Maryland, near the confluence of the Potomac." With what?

83. "The puritaus of New-England were employed in coercing conformity to their tenets." We believe no good English authority can be found for the use of the verb to coerce in any other sense than to restrain. Stephens produces only two doubtful examples among the Latins of the use of coerceo in the sense to compel.

86. "In the course of this revolutionary turbulence the upper house was resolved to be useless;" for "it was resolved that" &c.

116. "The system of Charles aimed at every thing dear to the American heart." To us, this phrase, which is so common, appears nearly as ludicrous as to talk of every thing respected by the American head. We are not attempting to be smart. The head is as often and as correctly used for the understanding, as

the heart for the affections.

354. This could only be done in the night, and of a foggy day." We hope this is an errour of the printer.

368. "Only a small tract of territory could be reduced to actual occupation."

Vol. II. p. 28. "A few inhabitants forted in on the Potomac."

73. "Dutiable articles."

Vol. III. p 46. "Parties to the war." We have observed many legal phrases of this kind passim. They are not English any where but in a court of justice.

120. "The army was convenient to the highlands."

456. "Falling trees" for causing them to fall: This is an American addition to the English barbarism, "to grow trees."

547. "They still hoped that a knowledge of the terms, operating on their disappointment, would make a great impression on the people." This is surely very careless writing.

Vol. IV. p. 546. “ Scrully oaks.”

Vol. V. p. 130. "A class of men who could identify themselves with the state government, but who considered that of the United States as foreign." A man may identify his interests with those of a govern. ment, but surely not himself. .

211. "Recreating publick credit," and in vol. i. p. 38, we find reexcited, and p. 67, re-vested, all, we believe, words of the author's own coinage.

310." The national sensibilities” is a fashionable phrase among our. southern brethren, but will hardly pass among us, who talk only English

424. "Societies, who had constituted themselves." This is un. pardonable carelessness. "Pending," for during, is obsolete

449. "The American busom still glowed with affection for their chief magistrate" Shocking rhetorick, and worse grammar.

545." It was an infringement of the right of the executive, and an indelicacy to that department,” and

551. " Inquiries were set on foot respecting the treasury department, which originated in the hope of fir ding some foundation for censure of that officer." In both these instances, the department and the person employed in it, by a strange figure of speech for plain prose, are considered as synonimous.

The examples of incorrectness, which we have thus enumerated, were collected in a very rapid examination of these volumes, and might have been easily multiplied. We have been thus minute,both in order to justify the boldness of our observa. tions on Judge Marshall's style, and in order to enter our protest against errours, that may claim the sanction of his name. Lest however they should give our readers a too unfavourable impression of the merits of his style, we shall make an extract, which we believe will coun teract it.

At the head of the department of foreign affairs, since denominated the department of state, he placed Mr. Jefferson.

This gentleman had been bred to the bar, and,at an carly period of life, had acquired considerable reputation for extensive attainments in the science of politics. He had been a member of the second congress, and had been named to a diplomatic appointment which he had declined. Withdrawing from the administration of continental affairs, he had been elected governor of Virginia, which office he filled for two years. He afterwards again represented his native state in the councils of the union, and in the year 1784, was appointed to succeed Dr. Franklin at the court of Versailles. In that station, he had acquitted himselfmuch to the public satisfaction, and had added considerably to the reputation he had previously acquired. His notes on Virginia, which were read with applause, were generally considered as an able specimen of his talents for composition, and as evincing the correctness of his political opinions. He had long been contemplated by America amongst the most eminent of her citizens, and had long been classed by the pres dent with those who were most capable of serving the nation wth effect. Having lately obtained permission to return for a shorttime to the United States. he was, while on his passage, nominated to this important office, and on his arrival in Virginia, found a letter from the president giving him the option ofbecoming the secretary of foreign affairs, or of retaining his station at the court of Versailles. He appears rather to have

inclined to continue in his foreign appointment, and, in changing his situation, to have consulted he wishes of the first his own mind. magistrate more than the preference of

The task of recreating public credit, of drawing order and arrangement from the chaotic confusion in which the finances of America were involved, and the revenue productive, and commensu of devis.ng means which should render rate with the demand, in a manner least burdensome to the people, was justly classed among the most arduous of the duties which devolved on the new gov ernment. In discharging it, much aid was expected from the head of the treas ury. To colonel Hamilton was assigned this important, and at that time intricate department.

This gentlemen was a native of the island of St. Croix, and, at a very early period of life, had been placed by his friends, in New York. Possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from the concussions of the monient, and with all the enthusiasm of youth, engaged first his pen, and afterwards his sword, in the stern contest between the American colonies and their parent state. Among the first troops raised by New York was a corps of artillery, in which he was appointed a captain. Soon after the war was transferred to the Hudson,his superior endowments recommended him to the attention of the commander in chief, into whose family, before completing hi twenty first year, he was invited to enter. Equally brave and intelligent, he contin ued in this situation to display a degree of firmness and capacity which commanded the confidence and esteem of his general, and of the principal officers in the army:

After the capitulation at York Town, the war languished throughout the American continent, and the probability that its termination was approaching daily increased.

The critical circumstances of the existing government readered the events of the civil, more interesting than those of the military department, and colonel Hamilton accepted a seat in the congress of the United States. In all the important acts of the day, he performed a conspicuous part, and was greatly distinguished among those distinguished characters whom the crisis had attracted to the councils of their country, He had

afterwards been active in promoting those measures which led to the convention at Philadelphia, of which he was a member, and had greatly contributed to the adoption of the constitution by the state of New York. In the distinguished part he had performed both in the military and civil transactions of his country, he had acquired a great degree of well merited fame; and the frankness of his man. ners, the openness of his temper, the warmth of his feelings, and the sincerity of his heart, had secured him many val

uable friends.

To talents of the highest grade, he united a patient industry, not always the companion of genius, which fitted him in a peculiar manner for the difficulties to be encountered by the man who should be placed at the head of the Amer ican finances.

The department of war was already filled by general Knox. Throughout the

contest of the revolution this officer had continued at the head of the American artillery,and from being the colonel of a regiment had been promoted to the rank of a major general. In this important station, he had preserved a high military character; and, on the resignation of general Lincoln, he had been appointed secretary of war. To his past services, and to unquestionable integrity, he was admitted to unite a sound understanding, and the public judgment as well as that of the chief magistrate, pronounced him in all respects competent to the station he filled. The president was highly gratified in believing that his public duty comported with his private inclinations, in nominating general Knox to the office which had been conferred upon him under the former government.

nence.

The office of attorney general, was filled by Mr. Edmund Randolph. To a distinguished reputation in the line of his profession, this gentleman had added a considerable degree of political emiAfter having been for several years the attorney general of Virginia, during great part of which time he was decidedly at the head of the bar in that state, he had been elected its governor. While in this office, he was chosen a member of the convention which framed the constitution and was also elected to

that which was called by the state for its adoption or rejection. After having served at the head of the executive the

term permitted by the constitution of the state, he entered into its legisla ture, where he preserved a great share of influence.

These characters are drawn with much address, and not a little elegance.

Judge Marshall closes his work with a character of Washington, which is however too long to be inserted. It is written with eloquence; but we cannot say it has left us noWe reluctantly rething to wish.

mark a disposition among some of us to undervalue the reputation of our hero, and we are deceived if his fame is not, at this moment, higher among the nations of Europe, than among us, to whom he has given our independence. Such is

The unwilling gratitude of base man

kind.

We regret that our author has not employed his powers in analysing his character more minutely and vindicating it from the common cav ils, which are brought against it. Nothing, we are convinced, would be more easy. Judge Marshall however himself seems to countenance the common objection to his intel lectual powers, that he did not`possess the qualities of a man of genius. We are not worthy to contest the opinion or to supply the deficiences of Judge Marshall, nor shall we at tempt it.

Yet we cannot refuse ourselves the gratification of saying one word in reply to this objection. If we make genius to consist in a disregard of the rules, which the ex perience of mankind has established, in the sallies of poetical imagination, in the uncontrolled developement of the passions, it must be admitted, that Washington was not a man of genius. But if we adopt the most philosophical definition of genius, which was ever made, and suppose