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bearings and merits of the subject. His task was no sinecure; he had to peruse and arrange a vast mass of controversial correspondence laid before the British Parliament and the American Congress. We believe that in this matter the labours of Grattan were of no small value to our own Government. He condensed the quantity of matter thus accumulated in the shape of notes, extracts, commentaries, pamphlets, reports, and newspaper articles, and reduced them to limits sufficiently compact to be readable; and these he communicated to Lord Ashburton, when that nobleman arrived in the United States as Minister Plenipotentiary, in the year 1842, for the purpose of settling the boundary question, and others of minor importance. Matters had at this time reached a very critical position between the two countries, and each considered that a war was not unlikely to take place. And, indeed, had the slightest collision arisen upon the frontiers, the consequences would, in all human probability, have been very serious, inasmuch as the whole population of the United States, exasperated by what they considered the unjustifiable pretensions of the English nation, were ready to pour into Canada and the British possessions en masse. It was, then, at this juncture that negotiations were opened at Washington between Lord Ashburton and the American Cabinet, at the head of which was Daniel Websterthe President at that period being John Tyler. Seven commissioners were appointed by the two states of Massachusets and Maine, whose joint interests in « the disputed territory" entitled them to take part in the negotiation. Unanimity on all points was required amongst the commissioners, the consequence of which was, that any one had it in his power to render abortive the views of all the others. It was, therefore, a matter of the utmost importance to the successful issue of the negotiations, to keep in harmony men whose political views and interests were often in opposition the one to the other. Mr. Grattan was well known to all the commissioners; and it was no slight mark of their confidence and respect, that they proposed to him, the official employé of the antagonist nation, to accompany them to Washington, and assist in the negotiation, Grattan did not hesitate in acceding to the proposal, as he deemed that his presence and aid might be useful to his own state. Accordingly, having dispatched a communication to the chief of his department in England, he set out for Washington with his Yankee friends, and in due time presented them and himself to the British peer. The negotiations were now formally opened between the two nations, Mr. Grattan assisting in his non-official and subordinate character. We are not about to enter upon the details of this question, which is now settled for ever. We may, however, observe, before dismissing the matter, that the treaty then concluded between the two nations conceded to the Americans a larger territory than they were justly entitled to. Of this opinion we believe was Grattan, although England was at the time unable to adduce positive proof of her rights to a more favourable boundary line. Besides, the Government at home were desirous to make great sacrifices, rather than engage in war with a nation, which, on their part, believing that they demanded no more than their rights, would not be likely to accept less. Under these circumstances, the line was fixed; the treaty was ratified, and all parties were as well satisfied as the parties to partitions, whether they be by suits or treaties, usually are. Each Power claimed credit for having sacrificed large tracts of territory to the other, in order to insure peace and friendly relations, by striking a medium line. One thing, however, might be predicated by a by-stander who looked on at the dispute without having any bias of interest : and that was, that the assertion of one nation or the other must have been incorrect; both could not have been losers in actual territory. However, matters were scarcely concluded, when it came to the knowledge of Grattan, that while Lord Ashburton and Webster were apparently playing the diplomatic game cartes sur table, the American chief was well aware of the existence of certain evidence, that the claims of England to a more extended boundary were just, while those of America were untenable. What this evidence was, we shall endeavour to state very briefly, Those who took any interest in the question, will remember that it was amply discussed in both countries, both in and out of their respective legislative assemblies. On the one hand, while the English insisted on the conclusiveness of the evidence, the Americans, on the other, even admitting the existence of such evidence, denied that it established the rights of Great Britain.
It appears that Mr. Jared Sparkes, when in Paris in the year 1841, discovered in the archives of the Bureau des Affaires Etrangers there a map, on which Dr. Franklin, one of the commissioners for concluding the treaty of 1783, bad drawn a red line, tracing, for the information of the Count de Vergennes, the minister of Louis XVI., as appears by his letter to that nobleman, the true line of boundary, “as settled in the preliminaries between the British and American plenipotentiaries." Mr. Sparkes had forwarded this map, with others, to Mr. Webster previous to the negotiations with Lord Ashburton in 1842; and it was a matter of some justifiable pride to Grattan to discover, when the existence of this document became notorious, that it proved almost identical with the boundary for which he had argued upon very strong grounds of probability, and which England had at first contended for. Mr. Grattan lost no time in communicating to his own Government at home the fact of these discoveries. It may readily be supposed that the intelligence created not a little surprise in the Foreign-Office, and there was much speculation as to the consequences upon the validity of the treaty. However, the Peace principles were in the ascendant, and we are disposed to think happily so at the time. Sir Robert Peel, then at the head of the Government, accommodated matters in a speech in the House, and the treaty has ever since remained undisturbed, though certainly not unassailed by a distinguished statesman now a member of her Majesty's Government. For ourselves, we rejoice that the question was settled by Lord Ashburton with the promptness which distinguished that negotiation, even though the terms of that settlement were not all that England was entitled to-all that she might have insisted upon, were the facts known to Lord Ashburton at the time which subsequently came to light. Still, under all the circumstances of the case, the settlement was a good one for Britain, and has insured for both countries the prospect of the continuance of those amicable relations which it is so much the interest of each to cherish and maintain.
We are quite sure the subject of our present memoir entertained sentiments similar to those which we have just expressed. Indeed, in an able pamphlet, printed and privately circulated by him about this time,* in which the arguments previously urged by him are thrown into a very condensed and intelligible form, he has taken occasion, while demonstrating the soundness of his original views, to deprecate any attempt at disturbing the treaty. The arguments are certainly very cogent, and they did not fail to be appreciated. The great literary authority in America, the North American Review, admitted Mr. Grattan's pamphlet to contain the best argument on the English side of the question; and we believe that some of the Americans confessed that Grattan's reasoning had convinced them that the English claim was just.
As we have already stated, literature has for some time ceased to be the pro. fession of Grattan. Nevertheless, during the intervals of his official duties he occasionally employed his pen and his voice to promote the interests and to elevate the position of his countrymen in the states of America. He spoke repeatedly in their favour on public occasions, always with the object of upholding their social rights, and exhibiting to the Americans the better points of their character. In the North American Review he wrote as opportunity afforded, with the same purpose. In one of his articles in that periodical, he thus eloquently described the feelings of the Irish emigrant:
" It is, in fact, unquestionable that the Irishman looks upon America as the refuge of his race, the home of his kindred, the heritage of his children and their children. The Atlantic is, to his mind, less a barrier of separation between land and land, than is St. George's Channel. The shores of England are farther off, in his heart's geography, than those of New York or Massachusets. Degrees of latitude are not taken into account in the measurements of his enthusiasm. Ireland-old as she is, and fond as he is of calling her so_sects to him but a part and parcel of that great continent which it sounds, to his notions, unnatural to designate as the new world. He has no feeling towards America but that of love and loyalty. To live on her soil, to work for the public good, and die in the country's service, are genuine aspirations of the son of Erin, when he quits the place of his birth for that of his adoption.
* * The Boundary Question Revised, and Dr. Franklin's Red Line shown to be the right one. By a British Subject. New York. 1843."
No nice distinctions of nationality, no cold calculation of forms, enter into his mind. Exile and alien are words which convey no distinct meaning to him. He only feels that he belongs to the country where he earns his bread. His birthright has hitherto been but a birthright of suffering. The instinct of naturalisation is within his soul; and he cannot conceive that the ocean which he is crossing should be more powerful to deprive him of, than his own heart-yearnings are to secure to him, all the rights and privileges which that instinct seems to claim.
“ His first foot-print on the soil of the New World, is to him a virtual seal placed on the bond of his fidelity. The first breath of air he iphales is a cordial to his heart, for he knows it is the air of freedom. He looks round in the consciousness of new-born dignity. He never before felt himself really a man; for the blight of petty proscription had, ever until now, hung over and around him. He never before knew the obligations of the word alleigance ; for a host of small impediments stood between him and the object to which he owed it. Now he comprehends and acknowledges it. He feels himself to be identified with that to which his fealty is due. He considers himself an integral portion of the State. He is at once, in heart and soul, if not in form, a citizen."
And then touchingly appeals to the generosity and good sense of Americans:
" And may it not here be asked, Is the man who thus comes into the country—a part of it by impulse, a patriot ready made—a fit object of doubt and odium ? and might it not be more generous, just, and politic to meet half way his ingenuous views, to stretch out to him the hand of brotherhood, to join in the bond of fellowship which his heart has already ratified ? Might not a fairer estimate of his character than that which generally prevails, and a higher trust in human nature itself, combine, and safely too, so as at once to invest him with the title he aspires to, and the rights which it confers, thus making him in reality what he believes bimself to be, and giving him the best of all inducements to learn and uphold the real interests of the country he would thus belong to, and removing the dangerous chance of his being misled and imposed on by the temptations which induce the emigrant, while an alien, to give to a faction an adherence which is due to the commonwealth ?"
One of Grattan's favourite schemes, in relation to his countrymen, was the establishment of an emigration society in Boston ; and after many years he had the satisfaction of witnessing the realisation of his wishes, in the formation of a society of that description, established with the concurrent support of the authorities of the city and the state of Massachusets, and joined by large numbers of the citizens of Boston, of every religious persuasion and of all political parties. Upon the return of Grattan to Europe a few years since, he was permitted, in consideration of his services, to resign his consulship in favour of his eldest son, Mr. Edmond Grattan – a post which several years of diplomatic training under his father as vice-consul fitted him to fill with credit; and he still continues to keep the name of Grattan alive amongst the affections and regard of the worthy Bostonians.
And now Thomas Colley Grattan is once more a free man-free as he was in the days of boyhood, when, gun in hand, he walked the moors and hills of his native Ireland. What is he going to do?- why doesn't he do something? He has been enlarging his former experience by constant travel since he left America. He is ever improving his mind by books and by men. He is as sprightly, as imaginative, as genial — we had almost said as young - as ever. Let him, then, do something for the literature of the day — for the literature of Ireland above all. True it is that since he originally engrossed so much of public favour new men have arisen, a new school has been formed. But what of that?-the taste for old things, provided they be good, has not passed away; the success with which reprints of his own tales have met with may prove that to his satisfaction. But even were it otherwise, he has enough of original genius to cut out for himself a new path, and to achieve a new fame. Let him once more take up his pen, and we dare be sworn many a friendly critic will welcome him back amongst the brotherhood of letters.
A SECOND FLIGHT; OR, A VISIT TO HOBBY-LAND.
BY THE ACTHOR OF "THE FALCON FAMILY," ETC. Ecce iterum Diabolus ! He made his of that god of the old Etrurians, who appearance laughing prodigiously, that patronised both literature and the botyou could hear him from Cancer to tle; indeed, I had seen his picture on Capricorn, though you were as deaf, their graceful vases, the sparkling glass sir, as those who don't choose to hear inspiring the pen, and the grateful pen a degree of the malady beyond the magnifying the glass, in return. If you doctors.
are one of Malvolio's kindred, and tell His laugh was not the feeble, poor. me the pen could find better employspirited “he, he, he," or the cow. ment, what malediction shall I proardly, temporising “hi, hi, hi," or nounce upon you? May your Madeira even the social - ha, ha, ha," pleasant come from the promontory that Diaz a laugh as the latter is; but the jovial, first saw, and Vasco de Gama first hearty, fearless, bacchanalian “ho, ho, doubled ; may your decanters dwindle ho" — the broad laugh that comes of into cruets, and your glasses turn to good lungs fed with a jolly supply of thimbles in your hands! generous blood, with but little water But where had he been that he in its composition, and plenty of honest laughed so immoderately, as few laugh old wine, not such as Boniface and his now in those squeamish days on which wife draw for their customers; may we have fallen - as few, indeed, have they and all their race, their fathers laughed since the times when one philobefore them, and their sons and daugh. sopher made laughing his profession, ters after them, find nothing better to and another died in a fit of it; at least, quench their thirst with, in secula se. since Rabelais shook in his “ easy culorum!
chair," or the learned wit of RotterThere was wine in the laugh-I dam composed his Colloquia. The truth knew it; it sounded in my ears like the at last came out. merry peals of Sir Toby and Sir Andrew, He had been attending the Peace those gay old cocks of Illyria, turning Congress in the capital of the cannie dull day into jocund night, in the halls Scots! Hinc illæ lachrymæ - for he of their cousin the countess, while the laughed till he wept with laughter, and buxom Maria, pink of maidens, pattern held his ribs, and laughed and roared, of good girls, filled their goblets under and roared and laughed again, till the the rose, and that puritanical time- very tip of his tail quivered with mirth. serving Malvolio was bid to " go shake “So you saw and heard the illashis ears."
trious Bright and Cobden ?" I reThe otto of brimstone was agreeably marked, when the paroxysm had a qualified by the perfume of the grape; little subsided. what particular bouquet it was I know We then fell to recalling, alternis not; but if you have ever met with Vi. versibus, the most ludicrous occur. noso's map of the world, designed for rences in all the records of fact and the use of topers, you must have ob- fiction, from the dawn of time down)served how often the sacred vine is wards, just as they happened to recur cultivated to the utmost edge of the to the memory without effort or pumpvolcanos, just where a poor devil com. ing. ing up for a holyday by that conveni. «Vulcan playing Ganymede," said ent route, would be most likely to stop I, " when even the ceremony of a state for a few moments, and cool his lips banquet and the presence of the di with a glass.
majores themselves could not restrain But he had actually a flask in one the gaiety of the assembled celeshand, when he made his bow, so there tials." could be no mistake about it; in the - There was prodigious laughing," other he held a pen. “Ha!" I exclaim. said he, “at the wedding of Venus ed, “now I know who your demonship is and Anchises." to a dead certainty " for I had read in "Not so much," said I, “ as when the books of the Tuscan antiquarians Mars was caught in the net."
« Or got the stab from Diomede in the midriff, and scampered from the field roaring louder than ten thousand bulls, or a regiment of Stentors."
" What think you of Hercules at the spinning-jenny, and Omphale in the lion's skin?"
“It must have been still rarer fun," said he, “to have seen half-a-dozen Homers composing one Iliad ;_nobody ever saw that but a German."
" Or when Democritus theorised to his guests on the causes of sweet cu. cumbers, and his maid knocked it all on the head by confessing that the cucumbers had been put in a jar of honey. Everybody laughed loud enough that day except the laughing philosopher himself." * “Or when that imperial wag, Tiberius, offered the tardy envoys from the Troad his condolence on the death of Hector. How sheepish the envoys must have looked, and how the cour. tiers and sycophants must have shaken their sides!"
"Or when that unparalleled scoundrel, George of Cappodocia, was canonised !"
" Or when Thomas Aquinas, in a fit of absence, finished the lamprey that was intended for the King, and cried, • Consummatum est !'”
“What say you,” said I, jumping over centuries, to come to the comedy of our own times—“ what say you to the Ladies' Colleges, to our Mistresses of Arts, and Doctoresses in every faculty ?"
" What say you,” said he, “ to the divinity of Joe Smith ?”
My next thought was of Convoca. tion, but I kept it to myself, for a substantial reason I had, and proposed instead the Synod of Thurles, as “inore matter for a May morning."
Now was it not very significant ? My spiritual friend could see no laughing matter in the business I alluded to; and, unable to hide the cloven foot, was evidently offended with me for making light of it; so I drew in my horns incontinently, and proposed in. stead, “ THE VIENNA CONFERENCE," which succeeded in tickling his fancy, and made him quickly forget the wound I had given his feelings.
“Ridiculous, no doubt," said he; “ ridiculous enough in all conscience; but the Conference I am just come from witnessing as far exceeds all other ridiculous things as Grimaldi
excelled all other clowns, or Quixote all other knights-errant.
“Every man rides his hobby,” quoth I.
" But those gentlemen ride a pair of them,” said he.
I presume he meant Peace and Arbitration.
" They can drive tandem," said I ; " or jump from one to the other as they do at Astley's."
Why don't they ride to Petersburgh ?" he begged to know.
“If I had been at the Conference, as it seems you were," I replied, “I should have put that very question.”
“And if you had, they would have flung you out of the window," returned hc; “for I never saw, in all my experience of knaves and fools, such an intolerant, pugnacious set of fellows as those apostles and preachers of peace. Fortunately for myself, I had no bones to be broken. They laid their olive branches about them lustily at Edinburgh, particularly Friend Bright and his broad-brimmed brethren. I would sooner face Hector of Troy than a Quaker carrying a flag of truce."
“ Bright is the boy,” said I, “would knock you down with the flag-staff.”
But to return to the subject of hobbies," he rejoined, “ everybody knows, I presume, that the hobby is properly a species of the genus horse, though Buffon has unaccountably left them out of his zoological garden.”
" The hobby,' said I, “ was a small horse, indigenous to my own native country, though we don't plume ourselves on riding it a bit better than our neighbours. We had a name for the rider, too, borrowed from the beastwe called him a hobbler; and methinks it would not be amiss to revive the word.”
“But perhaps you never heard,” continued he, “ that there exists a territory, such as those we lately visited together, where all the hobbies that were ever mounted, and all the riders -or hobblers, as you propose to call them- of both sexes that ever trotted, cantered, pranced, or galloped on hobby-back, are to be seen collected together in a sort of visionary existence, or merry reflection of the real world.”
“A kind of spiritual Pampas?" I said.
“Well,” said he, “Hobby-Land is just such a country as you mention,