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to America; to which proposition I have answered that I have no authority. The Prussians think that the Jacobins wish to give him over to me, believing that I will save his life. Blucher wishes to kill him; that I shall remonstrate against, and shall insist on his being disposed of by common accord. I have likewise said that, as a private friend, I advised him to have nothing to do with so foul a transaction; that he and I had acted too distinguished parts in these transactions to become executioners; and that I was determined, if the sovereigns wished to put him to death, they should appoint another executioner, who should not be me."

In every transaction of his life, public or private, we never find the Duke swerving or hesitating for a moment on any point when he had once satisfied himself that he was right on principle.

There has been more than one attempt made by celebrated writers, English as well as foreign, to throw discredit on the Duke of Wellington, for not interfering, with his all-commanding influence, to save the life of his late opponent, Marshal Ney, a gallant soldier, "the bravest of the brave," who had fought hundreds of battles for France, and had never drawn his sword against his country. Even warm admirers of the Duke have condemned him for this tacit acquiescence, and have called it the only blot on his character. Lord Byron, who was what Dr. Johnson calls "a good hater," and who lost no opportunity of disparaging, and speaking unjustly of the Duke, from political animosity, goes so far as to write

"Glory like yours, should any dare gainsay, Humanity would rise, and thunder' Nay.' " "Query, Ney - Printer's Devil."

This is pungent, and calculated to gain converts. On this important point, opinions are still, and are likely to remain, much divided. We yield to no one in admiration of the Duke, in profound respect for his memory, and in deference to his sound judgment; but we wish he had made a private request to Louis XVIII., and said, "Give me Marshal Ney as a personal boon." We think, for once, (and he seldom made a mistake) that he lost an opportunity. Ney damaged his cause, and diminished sympathy by the unnecessary and utterly theatrical flourish of volunteering to bring Napoleon to the feet of Louis XVIII., in an

iron cage; but the rhodomontade was not more bombastic, and at the time was quite as honest as that of many of his brethren in arms, and associates in politics, who afterwards falsified their promises and oaths with less sincerity. For example, we would have given a thousand Talleyrands and Fouchès for a single Ney. Napoleon declared, and justly, at St. Helena, that the greatest political and social mistake he ever committed was not hanging Fouchè on his return from Elba, and Sir Walter Scott says, and with equal truth, that the most wonderful event of that eventful epoch was, that Fouchè, who by turns betrayed and sold everybody, contrived at last to die peaceably in his bed. Had this world's retribution fallen on him, he should have been hanged on a gibbet higher than that of Haman. Ney was first ordered to be tried by a court of marshals, of which Massena was appointed president. He declined to fill the office, and broke up the court, representing that he had quarrelled with Marshal Ney while the latter was under his command in Portugal, and that the quarrel was never made up— he was, consequently, incapacitated from sitting on him as an unprejudiced judge. The next court ordered, contained generals and colonels, who pronounced themselves incompetent to try an officer of such superior rank. The case was then turned over to the Chamber of Peers, of which the old Duke de Richelieu (long an emigrant in Russia, and recently returned to France), in virtue of his age and rank, was president. He refused to preside. "During the war of political opinions under the first French Revolution," said he, "I was twice condemned to death. The living generation has vindicated my character and principles; posterity may do equal justice to Marshal Ney." A third time the proceedings were suspended; but a more pliant president was at last hit upon, and the trial proceeded to conclusion, within the short space of three days, when the gallant hero of the Moskwa was capitally convicted of high treason, by a majority of 139 out of 160, and sentenced to the full punishment of death, without appeal; the sentence to be carried into execution within four and twenty hours. Accordingly, on the following morning, at day-break, December 7th, 1815, the tragedy was

consummated in the gardens of the Luxembourg. Ney met his fate like a hero. Le brave des braves died as he had lived a gallant soldier. On the 8th of December, the earthly remains of the Marshal were interred in the cemetery of Pere la Chaise. We were quartered in Paris at the time, and remarked, with astonishment, how little public excitement was produced by the whole proceedings. They were hurried over, perhaps, under an apprehension that the people might rise, or the army refuse to carry the sentence into effect. What could either do, when Paris was bristling with 300,000 foreign bayonets? Ney was shot by veterans like himself, who had faced death under his dauntless leading, in innumerable fields of glory. It has been generally said that he was as fully entitled to the benefit of the 12th Article of the Convention of Paris, as any who afterwards received pardon and indemnity from the restored government. A fair examination must decide against him. Lord William Lennox defends the Duke of Wellington, on the true interpretation of this very 12th Article, on which Ney himself founded his defence.

He introduces a letter from the Duke, in reply to an appeal from the Marshal for his intercession, which we believe has never before been made public, and is a valuable document, clear and straightforward, according to the habitual practice of the writer. We subjoin this letter, as being of the highest interest:

"Paris, Nov. 15th, 1815.

"MONSIEUR LE MARESCHAL,-I have had the honour of receiving the note which you addressed to me on the 13th instant, relative to the operation of the capitulation of Paris in your case. The capitulation of Paris of the 3rd of July last, was made between the Commander-in-Chief of the allied and Prussian armies on the one part, and the Prince d'Eckmuhl, Commander in-Chief of the French army, on the other, and related exclusively to the military occupation of Paris. The object of the 12th Article was to prevent any measure of severity under the military authority of those who made it, towards any person in Paris, on account of any offices they had filled, or any conduct, or political opinions of theirs; but it never was intended, and never could be intended to prevent, either the existing French Government, under whose authority the French Commander-in-Chief must have acted, or any French Government which

might succeed to it, from acting in this re spect as it might seem fit.

"I have the honour to be, Monsieur le Mareschal, your most obedient, humble servant, "WELLINGTON."

Strange, indeed, are the conventional forms of society. The great, all-powerful conqueror signs himself, "your most obedient, humble servant,' in reply to the unfortunate accused, who applies to him to save his life, but which his sense of duty prevents him from doing. That the Duke was conscientiously right on public grounds, is as clear as the sun; that he might have strained a point from private considerations, is a different view of the matter, which will admit of endless controversy, and much variety of opinion. We often wish he had done so, and close the discussion and the volume, with the following observations of the author, in which we heartily concur :

"That Ney was legally guilty, admits of no doubt; but, under all the circumstances of the case, how much more noble would it have been if, instead of taking away the life of this brave man, the king (Louis XVIII.) had ordered all the troops in and about Paris to assemble in the Champ de Mars to hear the sentence read, and then, appearing in the centre of the congregated soldiery, to have given a free pardon to one who had served France with so much honour and distinction. This act of mercy would have been received by all with but one feelinggratitude!"

Maurel's pamphlet is an anomaly: a Frenchman who, without prejudice or national pique, renders full justice to the character and military pretensions of the foreigner who wrested the chaplet of glory from their own great conqueror, and proved the bitterest opponent of France, the greatest check on her ambitious career since the days of the Black Prince and Marlborough. We cannot readily turn to any pages in which a more accurate summary of the life and career of England's great captain is to be found. Lord Ellesmere says in his preface, "I am much mistaken in my estimate of M. Maurel's work, if it do not take rank, now and hereafter, among the most accurate, discriminating, and felicitous tributes which have emanated from any country, in any language, to the memory of the Duke of Wellington. His work will speak for itself, but those who

read, while they admire, may be glad to know that the author is a gentleman of high private character, as well as established literary reputation." This is sufficient to stimulate the curiosity of our readers, which we shall only further excite by two short extracts wherein the author near the close of his brochure, exhibits marked specimens of his style and opinions. He says, in speaking of the Duke's Peninsular

war:

"In these severe campaigns, he had passed through all the trials that could be prescribed by fortune- he had carried on defensive war, and he had completely succeeded. He had carried on a war of ambuscades and surprisals, and he had also succeeded; he had assumed the offensive, and still he had succeeded. He had marched boldly forward without incurring any disaster, and he had conducted long retreats without being broken. He had fought with superior numbers at Vimiero, at Oporto, at Vittoria, at Nivelle, and at Toulouse, and in all these cases he had gained the victory. He had engaged with equal numbers at Salamanca, at Pampeluna, at San Marcial, and at others, and here again he had been victorious. He had fought with inferior numbers at Talavera, at Busaco, at Fuentes de' Onoro, and still victory had smiled upon his arms."

After having triumphed over generals of middling capacity, he had become steeled for his encounter with men of first-rate ability, and lastly with the stars of the Empire. His successful encounters with Junot, Victor, and Sebastiani, prepared the way for harder won laurels wrested from Soult, Ney, and Massena, the darling child of victory. The following estimate is as just and impartial as if it had been penned by Napier or Alison:

"The horror which Wellington enter tained of disorder, pillage, and all excess of any kind, and his inflexible rigour in maintaining discipline, obtained him the name of the Iron Duke.' There is much truth in this expression, but it must not be taken too much au pied de la lettre. It would give a false idea of the character of the man. It is only true when it is applied to a certain order of serious misdemeanours of such a nature as to endanger the public security, or the safety of his army. other cases, never did a warrior show himself more chary of the lives of his soldiers, and never did a commander mitigate the labour, privations, and fatigues of his troops with more feeling care; in fact, never did a

In

general take more pains or trouble to secure the well-being and comfort of his army.”

Contrast this with the habitual, selfish disregard of Napoleon for dicipline and human life; his utter recklessness of all considerations of humanity which impeded the torrent of his personal ambition, and the two portraits present very opposite pictures, which reflect little to the advantage of the French Emperor. The eulogy of Maurel would be almost suspicious, were it not uttered after the grave has closed on the subject by which it is inspired, and the voice of flattery cannot sooth the "dull cold ear of death."

Lord Ellesmere's "Discourse" is a delightful tribute from a personal friend and public admirer. We have in this, traits of social benevolence, and many anecdotes of the Duke's private opinions and views with regard to his most brilliant public actions, equally new and interesting. We find now, corroborated from authority, what we have often heard before, that he considered Salamanca his most scientific battle, and was more proud of that brilliant field than even of the last great achievement of his military career, the crowning day of Waterloo. In speaking of the movements which led to the result of Salamanca, the Duke himself would say, "there has been nothing like it since the time of Frederic the Great." Of his failure at Burgos (his only failure), he spoke without reserve, and with full candour. "It was all my own fault," he said to Lord Ellesmere in conversation, "the place was very like a hill-fort in India. I had got into a good many of these, and I thought I could get into this. The French, however, had a dh clever fellow there, one Dubreton, and he fairly kept me out." Lord Ellesmere suggests a parallel between Wellington and the great Spanish captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova, which has already, to a certain extent, been carried out in an article in the Quarterly Review by Mr. Ford, author of the "Handbook of Spain." The subject is fertile, and the selection good, and may admit of still further amplification. But closer and more brilliant comparisons have been, and may still be discovered.

Many lectures have been delivered by orators both lay and clerical, while.

the eloquence of the pulpit has been abundantly impressive. Above thirty printed sermons on the Duke's death and funeral are already before the public, including many from high dignitaries of the church, whose worth is equalled by their reputation and abilities. The whole collection would form a valuable study for succeeding generations. In whatever light we contemplate the character of the great chieftain we have lost, whether collected from the homily of the preacher,

the philosophy of the historian, or the affectionate memorial of the personal friend, we see in him, through every phase of his long and active career, a mighty instrument fitted to the work for which he was designed; who having completed his mission with unexampled constancy and success, was finally borne to his rest, to lie by England's Naval bulwark, in the most honoured sepulchre which a nation's gratitude has ever given to departed greatness.

ON THE ANCIENT MUSIC OF THE HEBREWS IN GENERAL, AND THEIR TEMPLE

MUSIC IN PARTICULAR.

PART IL-CONCLUSION.

We now proceed to the considera

tion of that portion of our subject

which, to the Bible-reader, must always appear most interesting-viz.,

THE MUSICAL SERVICE IN THE HOUSE OF THE LORD, ESPECIALLY AS IT WAS AT

THE TIME OF DAVID AND SOLOMON.

LIKE everything else, the music of the Hebrews, and their temple music in particular, developed itself from small beginnings, and for a long time appears to have remained in a state of rudeness and imperfection, for want of peace and patronage from above two things, without which fine art has rarely been known to rise and flourish in any country. There can be no doubt that Moses took the model of his external arrangement of divine worship, as far as regards the musical performance, from the Egyptians. Amongst this ancient nation, music had, from time immemorial, constituted an important and essential element of devotion and public worship; the temples of Osiris resounded from morning till night with hymns and songs, accompanied upon musical instruments, and a special order of the priests (like the Levites of Moses) was appointed to conduct, and properly carry out the musical performance. The instruments, also, which were employed in the temple music of the Egyptians, were the same as those in use amongst the Levites previously to the time of David, and they ascribed to the trombone in particular the same

peculiarly sacred and solemn character as the Jews, whilst timbrels, and other light pulsatile instruments, were only considered fit for women, and not allowed in the temple, except on occasions of public rejoicings-as, e. g., on the celebration of the feast of Diana, when (as at the Jewish feast of the harvest) women and children were permitted to take part in the singing of the hymns of praise and thanksgiving.

But, although music was undoubtedly a favourite art with the Jews, and although Moses had made especial provision for its cultivation and proper performance during the service, still the succeeding times of incessant aggressive or defensive war under Joshua and the judges must have interfered with, and effectually prevented its progress. In fact, the want of peace, of proper instruction, and also of a suitable locale, appears to have kept it in a most languishing state, until it received a sudden impulse from that most important religious institution, of which we have already spoken in the general history of Hebrew music, viz., the prophetic schools founded by Samuel.

From this time there was no lack of singers and instrumentalists capable of performing the musical portion of the service in a manner worthy of its high and sacred purpose, or giving instructions to others, if a greater num ber of performers should be required. Hence, the possibility of such a sudden and astonishing rise to a state of internal excellence and external grandeur, as we see the music of the temple take under David and Solomon. Although the accounts of Josephus, and the tales of the Talmudistical writers are full of palpable and often ridiculous exaggerations, still it is certain, that no nation of antiquity could show anything to equal the music of the temple at the time of these kings, either in point of quality or external grandeur; and that the provisions made for the efficient training of a number of vocal and instrumental performers, and the proper management of the musical portion of divine worship, were more complete and more systematically planned than those of the most musical nations of modern Europe.

We shall hereafter give some account of the organisation of the Levitical body, the rules and regulations of the temple service, and the different established modes of performance; here we will only mention, that King David not only appointed singers, instrumentalists, and masters "skilled in music" (1 Chron. 25), but introduced several instruments in the Levitical orchestra, which had been previously excluded from it, as-e. g., the small triangular harp and the cymbals. It was he who composed the most beautiful of those lyric effusions which will for ever remain the inimitable patterns of holy song; and he did not even deem it beneath his royal dignity, on solemn occasions, to join in the performance, or lead the chorus of singers that went before the ark of the covenant.

Solomon was as great a lover and patron of music as his father had been, and we have already stated what he did towards the improvement of the performances in the temple.

The division of the empire under Solomon's successors, and the consequent internecine struggles, as well as the wars with other nations, must prove injurious to the cultivation of music, no less than of all other arts

and sciences. The temple service not only lost its former splendour but also deteriorated in quality, and as the manners of the Jews grew more corrupt, music found its chief supporters and best performers no longer in the house of God, but in the halls of rich bon-vivants, or public places of revelry. -(Isaiah, v. 12; Amos, vi. 5, 6.)

Under Ahaz, who gave himself up to the worship of idols, and "filled the house of God with uncleanness," the holy song ceased altogether; and although Hezekiah restored for a short time the true form of worship, and made the Levites once more "sing praise with gladness, with the words of David, and Asaph the seer," still his very next successor again erected altars to Baalim; and the desertion of the rulers and people from the service of Jehovah of which the corruption of the temple music was a natural consequence ultimately caused both to be delivered into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar, who "carried away to Babylon all those who had escaped from the sword." Seventy years did they remain in the Babylonian captivity, sighing for the home of their fathers, and remembering with tears the days of former glory. They had no longer a heart to sing the songs of Zion "By the rivers of Babylon there we sat down, yea, we wept when we thought of Zion; we hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof. For they that wasted us required of us mirth, saying, sing us one of the songs of Zion. How shall we sing the Lord's song in a strange land?"-(Psa. cxxxvi. 1-4.)

When they were restored to the land of inheritance, they had still two hundred and forty-five singers amongst them, and Ezra did his best to re-establish the service in the house of the Lord as it had been in the days of David. But the glory of former times had departed. The Levites had been called together "to praise the Lord after the ordinance of David, king of Israel;" but "many of the priests and Levites, and chief of the fathers that had seen the first house, wept with a loud voice, so that the people could not discern the noise of the shout of joy from the noise of the weeping."(Ezra, iii. 12, 13.)

In the above sketch of the historical development of the Hebrew temple

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