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then present, for owners of entries to survey the same--and twelve months to return plats and certificates to the register's office.

An act of appropriation passed-and the general assembly adjourned; without altering the day to which they stood adjourned at the last preceding session. So that they were to meet again in January then ensuing.

In the mean time the transactions of this year will be closed, by bringing into view a very brief sketch of the state of the union in relation to France; extracted from the president's message of the 23d November, 1797. The three American envoys assembling in Holland, had proceeded to Paris, in France; whatever might be the result of the mission, nothing, he added, had been omitted on his part, to conduct the negotiation to a successful conclusion.

In the mean time, he said, nothing will contribute so much to the preservation of peace, and the attainment of justice, as manifestations of unanimity and energy.

The cautionary measures recommended at the last session continue necessary.

Permanent order or tranquillity cannot soon be restored in Europe.

Commerce is necessary to the United States, cannot be abandoned-must be protected. Agriculture, the fisheries, arts, and macufactures, depend upon commerce.

He had hoped the treaty with Spain would have been duly executed; but by the last accounts, Spanish garrisons, were continued on our territory-nor had the running of the line been commenced. Further communications on the subject suggested-the rest seems foreign to Kentucky.

On the 1st day of January, 1798, the general assembly convened in Frankfort; and on the 2d, the governor made his communications, on subjects of local policy: referring to communications made at the recent session, he does not even squint at the affairs of the nation.

A statement of the votes taken, for and against a convention, the most authentic probably that could be obtained; (for the

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proceedings seem to have been very irregular;) represented the whole number of voters, to have been, nine thousand eight hundred and fourteen-and that of this number, five thousand four hundred and forty-six, were for a convention.

The following exhibit, being the detailed statement previously referred to, will shew that the voters were actuated from local, or incidental impulses; and not from any general principle, or perception of error, in the constitution; which they desired to correct. See the detailed statement below:

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1.

Of the twenty-one counties in the state14 5446 | 440

at the time of the

general election in May, 1797, there were five which made no return of the number of those who voted at the election: two of the five returned the number of those who voted for a convention; and although they were populous counties, one

returned fifty-three for, and one hundred and two against a convention; the other returned one hundred and seventy-two for, and none against: the constitution, not requiring in fact, that any should vote against the convention; or that any notice should be taken of such votes, if they did: a majority of the votes given in the state, being required, to authorize a convention.

General inferences deducible from the facts disclosed in the foregoing table of votes, in relation to popular opinion on this subject, may with propriety, be applied to such opinion on any other speculative subject. Popular opinion, in Bourbon county, appears to have been in favour of a convention, to reform the constitution, as eight hundred and thirty-three, is to one thousand one hundred and thirteen-that is, about one and one-third for, and one against a convention.

In Bullitt county, the whole number of votes is two hundred and forty-seven; of which, ten were for a convention; the proportion is, as one for, and about twenty-three against.

And so of the rest, with constantly varying results. But the people every where are the same kind of beings, taken in mass-have a common attachment to their rights and liberties; and in proportion to their individual possessions and prospects, are interested in the peace, liberty, and prosperity of the country. How does it happen then, it may be asked, that their opinions vary so much about their constitution, or fundamental act of government, upon which every thing is supposed to depend? There is much reason to believe, that the correct answer lies in this→→→

That the great mass of mankind in all countries, Kentucky not excepted, where, it is nevertheless contended, there is as much, if not more intelligence in this description of the population, and which excludes those extraordinarily endowed with mental gifts, as in any country; are in fact and in truth, incapable of acquiring from the means they possess, the information, as well as of making the investigations, and deductions which are demanded, in order to come to a right judgment.

The inevitable consequence is, that they are dependent upon others, comparatively a few, for their opinions, of such complicated subjects, as a constitution; and generally, of all public

measures.

The opinions of the many, are therefore but the opinions of the few-and the opinions of these, are the combined results of personal character, and actual circumstances. Not only every county, but every neighbourhood, furnishes one, or more, who are free and fond, to propagate his, or their opinions. Some, who have formed correct opinions, and from benevolent motives-many more from vanity, ambition, opposition, avarice, or the desire of distinction, and of attaining office, honour, and emolument, propagate opinions, with a view to promote their several objects. Hence we have some well-informed men, and correct politicians, and hundreds, very ill-informed, but yet knowing more than the generality, become their preceptors-and intending to profit by their practice, they smell out the current, or bias of opinions, throw themselves into it for the time, float with it, court the people, that is, the great majority, and presently become their leader. The way is open, plain, and beaten. The streets of the capital, not more obvious. And without more detail, or description, this will account for the diversity of opinion among the people, on the subject of calling a convention, to alter the constitution,

It will be hereafter seen that with all the stimulation produced by the cry of aristocracy, &c. the constitutional majority of votes were not obtained from the people to authorize a convention-and that it was called upon a different principleby those nevertheless, who professing to obey "the will of the people," really followed their own; as demagogues generally do, in such a government.

To conclude the transactions of the year, it is stated, that the amount of revenue paid and due the treasury, was twentyone thousand three hundred and seventeen pounds; including ten thousand and seventy-eight pounds, eighteen shillings and four pence, of unpaid balances. Available funds-eleven thou

sand two hundred and twenty-nine pounds, one shilling and

eight pence.

Expenditures for the same year, as evidenced by the issue of auditors' warrants or orders on the treasury, eleven thousand two hundred and twenty-eight pounds, one shilling, and eight pence half-penny. Leaving the revenue deficient--even the members of the legislature, were unpaid; and taking certifi cates of the balances due, had to pledge them, for their per sonal expenses.

A state of things, by no means resulting from the inability of the country to pay; but partly from parsimony, or the love of popularity, which circumscribed taxation, with too close a hand-in part from the influence which the sheriffs, who were the collectors of the revenue, had in the elections, and the consequent indulgences which they received, as delinquents-but especially to the frequency, and extent of those delinquencies. They being but effects, in many cases, of those indulgences, with which the sheriff bought his popularity—but very often the result of his applying the public money to his own private uses.

Such were the consequences of rendering the sheriffs eligible by the people. Of which they become so sensible, that they surrendered the right, in forming the second constitution.

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