In the debate on Mr Buxton's motion, May 15, 1823, Mr Marryat brought forward Lieut. Col. Arthur, Governor of Honduras, as an evidence to prove that the state of the Slaves was so good that it scarcely admitted of improvement; and no doubt the extracts from Col. Arthur's dispatch read by Mr Marryat did assert this. His words are: "With regard to the state of the Black population, I have the most heartfelt gratification “in assuring your Lordships, that it is scarcely possible it can be meliorated. "So great is the kindness, the liberality, the indulgent care of the wood"cutters towards their Negroes, that Slavery would scarcely be known to "exist in this country, were it not for a few unprincipled adventurers in "the town of Belize, who exercise authority over their one or two Slaves in “a manner very different from the great body of the community." 66 un On this extract, which is certainly very creditable to the Slave-Masters of Honduras, we may make one remark. It acknowledges that some “ principled adventurers treated their Slaves in a very different manner from "the great body of the community." Now, as Col. Arthur makes no mention of his attempting to check the misconduct of these adventurers, it is fair to conclude he had no power to interfere, and that their conduct, however cruel it might be, was not illegal. This, however, is not the only letter on the subject from Col. Arthur to Lord Bathurst. We find another in the correspondence ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 16th June 1823. The letter is dated October 7, 1820; and from it we extract the following passage: "In my report to your Lordship on the 16th May last, upon the insurrection which "had taken place in the interior of the colony, I represented that it had originated in the harshness with which some of the Slaves had been treated, " and that I was not without hope the consequences on that occasion would "have had the beneficial tendency of exciting a greater degree of humanity "towards these unfortunate people. I am much distressed, my Lord, that "my expectations have not been answered; and such is the increasing seve "rity and cruelty which is now practised with impunity, that although I "am very conscious of the difficulty which has hitherto presented itself to "his Majesty's Government upon the general question of the administra"tion of justice in Honduras, I am most reluctantly constrained to bring "the matter again under your Lordship's consideration. The result of a “trial, which was instituted on the 6th instant, against an inhabitant for "excessive cruelty towards a poor Slave, absolutely excludes every hope, un"der the present system of jurisprudence, of bringing offenders to punishment, "when guilty of the most flagrant acts of inhumanity and oppression. But not to speak of particular cases or colonies, it should be kept in mind, that the general law of the colonies is, that the evidence of Slaves is wholly inadmissible, not only against their owners, but in all cases whatever, either civil or criminal, affecting persons of free condition. And where such is the law, it is impossible the Slave should have any real legal protection. The law, for instance, provides that only thirty-nine lashes shall be inflicted at once; but if a master inflicts ten times that number, and does so in the presence of a thousand other slaves, there is no evidence, and he does so with perfect impunity. The language of the Report is therefore strictly correct. NOTE (B) p. 5. The following is the return of marriages of Slaves which have taken place during 14 years in 13 parishes of Jamaica up to 1822. It should be remembered, that the average Slave population of each of these parishes is upwards of 16,000. Nor are the few marriages that have taken place recognized or protected by the law. The married Negro has no security that his wife shall not be torn from him by the caprice or necessities of his owner; nor, when she is taken from him by force or by seduction, has he any claim for legal compensation. But such a union between the sexes, possessing neither the sanction of religion, nor the protection of law, is not marriage :-the proper designation of such a state is concubinage. The Clergy of Grenada are very candid on this point. "The legal so"lemnization of marriage between Slaves, in this island," says the Rev. Mr Nash," is a thing unheard of; and, if I may presume to offer my sentiments, "would, in their present state of imperfect civilization, lead to no beneficial "results." To the two other clergymen of Grenada, no application had ever been made to marry Slaves. Neither Mr Macmahon, during a ministry of thirty-seven years in British Colonies, nor Mr Webster, in his incumbency of twelve years, had ever heard of such a thing. In Trinidad, the marriages of Slaves are stated, in thirteen years, to have been three; in Nevis, Tortola, St Christopher's, Demerara, Berbice, Tobago, Antigua, Montserrat, Barbadoes, St Vincent's, Grenada, and Dominica, (with the exception of about sixty marriages stated to have been solemnized in the Romish Church,) the returns are absolutely none. NOTE (C.) p. 5. The Rev. G. W. Bridges, Rector of the Parish of Manchester, in Jamaica, author of a "Voice from Jamaica." This gentleman, in reply to Mr Wilberforce, says, "If a constant supply of all the necessaries of life; "the best advice and assistance in sickness; perfect reliance on the future support of themselves and their children; if warm houses, freedom from "all restraint during fourteen hours of relaxation out of every twenty-four, "with a proportion of labour incalculably inferior to that of our own English "workmen, whose o'er-wearied slumbers are too often broken by the agoniz. "ing thoughts of the future, or by vain attempts to sooth the heart-rending "cries of their hungry helpless children; if these are blessings which can "elevate the one above the other, so far the comparison is infinitely in favour "of our West Indian labourers." Does not the conclusion of this extract look as if the writer were himself aware of the absurdity of his position? He knew, that if the contrasted ideas of slavery and freedom had been presented to the minds of his readers, they would at once reject his conclusion with scorn and indignation. Bold as he is, he dared not say, "in favour of the "Slaves," but sinks into the softer expression of West Indian labourers, in the vain hope that we may forget, for a moment, that the West Indian labourers are Slaves. But, further than this, if Mr Bridges' be a fair average account of the state of the Negroes, then every author on the subject, from Edwards down to Pinckard, Williamson, and Stewart, have most grossly misrepresented the state of things. Williamson, in particular, was an advocate for Slavery, and, as a practising surgeon, had better opportunities for judging than Mr Bridges. The reader may compare the following passage with Mr B.'s statement. "The yawy Negroes on estates seemed to me to be in a 66 very neglected state. In the progress of disease that maintenance was not afforded them, which, with a view to cure, should be liberally dispensed. A "disease, itself injurious to the constitution, is thus aggravated; whereas, "if nature were supported by fit diet, clothing, cleanliness, and comfortable "housing, she would work her own cure in most cases. (Williamson, vol. p. 88.) i. Is it not evident, besides, that Mr B. considers the Negro only in the light of an animal; and would it not be easy to prove, on similar principles, that a well-fed horse is superior in happiness to a British peasant? But, whatever he may think of the Negroes, we will not consent to measure those in whom God has implanted rational and immortal souls, by so mean a standard. The British peasant knows his duty to others, and the duties of others towards him, no driver stimulates his labour with the whip,-no overseer can confine or torture him at his pleasure,-no master can forcibly separate him from his wife or his children. If his talents be superior to his station, the path of honourable ambition lies open before him; and if his lot be hard, it is his own fault if he possesses not the comforts of religion, and the anticipations of immortality. These are the superiorities of the British peasant, and these,-but, above all, the last of these,-it is our object to procure for the West Indian Negro. NOTE (D.) p. 13. Of the degree to which the passions of the Legislators of Jamaica have obscured their judgment, every one of the Resolutions affords abundant proof. Their 32d Resolution proposes an address to the Governor, concluding thus, "The House think the present moment peculiarly unfavourable "for discussions, which may have a tendency to unsettle the minds of the "Negro population, which the House have the greatest reason to believe, is at "present perfectly quiet and contented." This Resolution was passed in the House of Assembly, December 11, 1823. Mr Buxton's motion was made May 15, so that intelligence of it must have reached Jamaica nearly five months before. The Slaves, therefore, had for five months been acquainted with the proceedings in the British Parliament, and still their minds remained perfectly quiet and contented. Again, the present moment, says the House of Assembly, is peculiarly unfavourable for discussions, &c, and, therefore, they at once plunge into discussions of the most inflammatory nature. But why was that moment peculiarly unfavourable? Because the minds of the Slaves were then perfectly quiet aud contented. We must, therefore, take it as the recorded opinion of the House of Assembly, that times of tranquillity are peculiarly unsuited for discussion, and that periods of insurrection and civil war are peculiarly adapted for temperate discussion and moderate decisions. Printed by Anderson & Bryce, Edinburgh, 1824. |