AN ADDRESS, &c.

THE LIVERPOOL SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, adhering to the primary object of its institution, that of obtaining authentic information respecting the nature and effects of Negro Slavery, and communicating the same to the public, in order that correct ideas may be entertained on the subject, as well by those who conceive themselves to be interested in its support, as by those who contend for its abolition, have not thought it incumbent on them, as a body, to enter into the discussions which have lately taken place respecting the impolicy of Negro Slavery in a commercial point of view. Not that they conceive such question is not a proper and important subject of discussion, or because they entertain any doubt that from the investigations that have already taken place, it will be found to be impolitic as well as unjust; but because the objections of this Society to the continuance of Negro Slavery, are founded on its inherent injustice and inhumanity, and cannot be modified, or relinquished, by any decision that may relate to subjects of expediency only.

For the same reason, the Society does not conceive it necessary to take a prominent part in the questions now agitated respecting the conduct of the master towards the slave

whether the authority of the one over the other be exercised with mildness or severity. That in many instances the slaves are treated with as much humanity as the nature of laborious slavery will admit, the Society has not the smallest doubt; but the Society has before stated that its objection is to slavery itself, under whatever form it appears, or however it may be carried on. It is the relation of master and slave, injurious alike to the moral disposition, principles, and character of both; it is the degradation of a human being to a condition on a level with that of a brute; it is the spectacle of a great and powerful nation priding itself on its liberty, its generosity, and its prosperity, yet committing a crime of the deepest dye against a defenceless and unoffending people,-that concentrates the attention, and calls for the efforts of the Society, to place this subject in its true light, and to endeavour, to the best of its power, to suggest the most safe, speedy, and effectual means that may lead to the termination of such an acknowledged evil.

Nor,

In thus stating the grounds of its own proceedings, the Society is convinced it is joined by the voice of the nation at large, which, at length awakened to a just sense of the enormity of its offence, has avowed an almost unanimous determination to free itself from the guilt of its further continuance. This sentiment has been expressed from one extremity of the kingdom to the other, in a manner which has already produced the most important results. whilst the nation thus acknowledges its guilt, and calls upon the legislature to remove it, does it judge itself with undue severity or injustice. The nation is, in fact, the offender; and it is incumbent on the nation to see that the offence is removed. Nor are we to suppose that the present holders of Colonial possessions, as such, are necessarily culpable in a more peculiar manner than the rest of their fellow-subjects, it being well known that Colonial, like any other kind of

as

property, has in part devolved upon its present possessors by acts not their own, and under institutions which had been established long before they came into existence. We therefore by no means consider ourselves as acting in a spirit of hostility, or opposition to the Colonial proprietors, or promoting measures injurious to their best and most permanent interests. If indeed we could combine the views and efforts of the mother country and the Colonial proprietors in one common cause, there is reason to presume that means might be adopted, which, without compromising the safety, injuring the property, or infringing on the claims of the proprietors, would advance the slaves in the scale of civilization, by the regular communication of moral and religious instruction, and the concession of domestic and personal rights; till they partake of the character of a well regulated peasantry. That such a state might be established, by kind and judicious means, not only without loss or danger, but with great advantage to the master, there is strong reason to believe; as every approximation to the cultivation of the land by free labour, will be found, not only to be a diminution of expense, but in due time to improve the quality, and increase the value of the soil. It is by this union of exertion, information, ability, and object, that the difficulties which present themselves can be best surmounted, the apprehended evils avoided, and a state of society gradually introduced, which there is every reason to believe will hereafter be considered as the true foundation of the prosperity of our West Indian possessions.

So far, indeed, is this Society from entertaining an opinion, that a just and reasonable improvement in the character and condition of the slave population will be attended with danger to the proprietors, that they conceive such danger rests in a contrary course; and that an

avowed opposition in the Colonies to the earnest wishes of the British nation, cannot fail to give rise to consequences deeply to be lamented in every point of view; but which are chargeable only on those who are the wilful and voluntary cause of them, and not upon the friends and promoters of Negro emancipation, whose views are wholly concentrated in the well-being, improvement, and happiness of this integral portion of the British dominions. The Society cannot, therefore, but perceive, with the greatest anxiety, the measures of resistance resorted to in some of the islands, and the examples of riot and violence which have in some few instances unhappily occurred. Nor can they forbear to express their indignation and surprise at the attempts that have been made to charge the promoters of Negro emancipation with being the cause of disorders and calamities that could only have arisen from an adherence to that system of oppression, which it is their most earnest desire gradually to mitigate, and finally to remove. From the responsibility involved in any consequences which can be fairly imputed to its measures, the Society is in no degree inclined to shrink; but they protest against the disposition which has been manifested to charge them with every disaster of whatever kind which may occur in the Colonies, whether arising from those elements of danger and discord which are inherent in the very system, or from the violence and indiscretion of the Colonists themselves. The Society, therefore, avail themselves of this opportunity to repeat their decided resolution to persevere by all lawful, just, and peaceable measures, in carrying forwards the great work in which they have engaged; without being deterred by unfounded aspersions, either of those who misunderstand their object, or of those who, having abandoned the cause in which they had engaged, have inconsiderately and injuriously imputed to them measures which

they never contemplated, and sentiments which they have expressly disavowed.

The present is to the Colonial proprietors an important crisis. Whether it will prove advantageous or injurious, must depend upon themselves. Already they feel the consequences of the present system, and are undersold by the produce of other parts of the world. Under these circumstances, protecting duties and bounties have been extended to them by the parent country, and they still solicit further assistance. "Let them ask themselves, whether the British people, now aware of the nature of the support they thus afford, and finding that they tax themselves for no other purpose than to perpetuate a practice at which their feelings revolt, will be likely long to continue a support which renders them participators of the guilt? and whether the avowal of a determination in the Colonists to persevere in an opposition to the mother country, must not defeat every reasonable expectation of continued aid?

In thus expressing its desire for the favourable disposition and co-operation of the Colonial proprietors, this Society has not deviated from the principles upon which it is founded, or the language which it originally employed; having in its former Declaration expressly admitted that, "with every disposition on the part of the Colonial proprietors to adopt a different system, there must be some necessary precautions, some deliberate and gradual process, which should progressively give to the slave the feelings of independence, without the danger of licentiousness; and enable him to perceive that the necessity of providing for his own subsistence, though less degrading, is not less imperative, than that under which he had before been compelled to return to his daily task."