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181 Moloch, or the Song of the Furnace, 412
40, 319, 443
To an Old Friend,
441 Church Thieves,
340 Mrs. Caudle, 38, 219, 266, 297, 388, 482, 550
35, 269, 298
Peel's Appeal to O'Connell,
Position of the Premier, .
Punch a Peace-Maker,
LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.—No. 47.—5 APRIL, 1845.
CON TEN TS.
9 11 29 30 30 32 33 34
Correspondence-Foreign News-Books Received, 1. Lord Brougham's Political Philosophy,
Edinburgh Review, 2. Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, Publishers' Circular, 3. Right of Search Commission,
Spectator, 4. A Vision of Repeal,
Do. 5. Rev. Sydney Smith,
Do. 6. United States, Texas, and Canada,
Do. 7. Armed Suppression of the Slave Trade, .
Do. 8. Economical Luxuries ; New Titles of Honor ; Noys' Maxims; Church Thieves ; Wakley's Address;
Poor; New Tariff; Imaginative Crisis ; The Pope, 9. St. Giles and St. James,
Jerrold's Magazine, 10. Mornings with Thomas Campbell,
Chambers' Journal, 11. Anastatic Printing,
40 49 56
There is a startling coincidence of allusions to
commercial troubles, as if our “prosperity” were The most important part of the late news from already hurrying us over the brink into the vortex England, is the great stride which Sir Robert Peel of a “ commercial crisis," such as signalized has made in the direction of Free Trade. He has the years 1825-6 and 1835-6. In the distant entirely taken the duties off about four hundred ar- west, an American paper describes a process of ticles, which yielded about seven millions to the speculation which, after enriching European capi
talists, has tempted Americans into such a scramrevenne. Among those free articles are cotton,- ble of exports and imports as to anticipate the which paid a duty of about a cent and a quarter a genuine movements of trade, to glut the markets pound,-pearl ashes, lard oil, and many other on both sides, and to induce a reaction. In the far articles which may now be largely shipped from East—in China—the way to the immense market the United States. We are especially pleased opened to us has, as we foresaw, been choked by
rash enterprise, heaping the Chinese with goods that many of these articles are the produce of the of which they have yet to learn the want, and for western country, which will thus be brought into which they have no means of exchange ; while the closer connexion with England, and will not be so same rash enterprise has put the tea-trade into a ready to quarrel with a good customer.
temporary state of congestion. They have as yet
nothing to give us legitimately but tea ; but we do If we may put the church after the state, the not want more tea while it is so dear in this counnews next interesting is the action of the Univer-try; and it must continue as dear while the duties sity of Oxford upon Mr. Ward's book. It was de- therefore, to smother them with ginghams and
It is of no use,
in this country are so enormous. cided by more than two to one, that passages of broadcloths, which they do not want and cannot this book were contrary to the doctrine of the buy: yet they have been so smothered, and the Church of England, and inconsistent with good exporters may bring upon themselves ihe usual faith in Mr. Ward, who had obtained preferment consequences. Signs are observed at home. Lord by subscribing her articles. Upon the question of Howick has denounced the inordinate and demor
alizing speculation in railway shares; a game of degrading Mr. Ward, many persons doubted the hazard in which the board of trade throw ihe dice, authority of the convocation—but there was still a and the gamblers, staking little fortunes, play for considerable majority by which it was done. It millions—staking ruin against infinite riches. "The was then proposed to proceed to condemn Tract commercial Argus of the Times has discovered No. 90, but the prociors interposed their veto
other tokens of a coming crash : against the consideration of the subject, so that “Letters are constantly received denouncing the nothing was done in that matter.
directors of joint-stock companies for all sorts of Lord John Russell spoke of the state of affairs irregular practices; including the formation of
them with insufficient means; the withholding of across the Atlantic,” as a reason why parlia- shares from bona fide subscribers, and selling them ment should be contented with no small surplus in surreptitiously ai a large premium at the same the Treasury.
time; and finally a resort to the old and nefarious XLVII.
system of 'rigging,' so often exposed on former Robert Inglis condemned also the preponderance occasions—which means the purchase for a time of males who are allowed to migrate to the West of a larger number of shares than are known to Indies. He adverted to attempts made to obtain have been issued, which subjects the sellers on the free laborers on the coast of Africa for Mauritius ; day of settlement to such terms as the fraudulent contending that the demand would be supplied, buyers may think fit to impose."
like that for slaves, by the African kings, who There may be exaggeration in these vaticina- and send them, or make inroads into other coun
possess an absolute property in their own subjects, tions; but our prosperity is certainly alarming. tries for prisoners of war. He called upon the The fatal day approaches, while we make merry house not to weigh the purse of the West Indians in the city with festive wreaths :
against the blood and lives of the Africans. “Fatis aperit Cassandra futaris Ora, Dei jussa non unquam credita Teucris.' INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.-In reply to Lord
Spectator, 15 Feb. Mahon, on Monday, Sir Robert Peel said, that
negotiations had been entered into on this subject In the House of Commons, on 25 February, Sir with France, Belgium, and Saxony, for the purRobert Inglis, moving for papers, drew attention pose of giving facilities to the book-trade in those to the compulsory emigration of liberated Africans countries and in this. These negotiations were from Sierra Leone. Up to the year 1844, the carried on for some time, but they did not lead to British government acted upon a liberal construc- any final or satisfactory resalt. Negotiations were tion of the order in council issued on the abolition afterwards entered into with Prussia ; and after a of the slave-trade, “that when landed in any certain time it was alleged, on the part of Prussia, place where there is a Court of Mixed Commission, that the law of copyright in this country was the slave should be protected and provided for." defective and ought to be amended. Since that Sir Robert briefly recalled the horrors to which time, two bills had passed parliament to amend slaves are subjected in the passage from Africa— the law of copyright. The negotiations with horrors unavoidably protracted after the capture Prussia were now renewed ; and in the event of of a slaver until its arrival in port; so that the their being brought to a satisfactory conclusion, negroes, as Governor Nicolls said, “ come out of they might perhaps form the basis for the renewal the ships like ghosts." On the 12th June last, of negotiations with other countries.-- Spectator. the Governor of Sierra Leone issued a proclamation under the authority of the colonial office, that allowances to liberated Africans landed in the col
BOOKS RECEIVED. ony would cease after adjudication; clothing and From Messrs. Harper & Brothers, New York. maintenance before adjudication being continued
ILLUSTRATED as before ; and that should they prefer remaining Bible, No. 21. This work comes in that colony instead of emigrating to the West rapidly now. Among the other pictures is one of Indies, they must provide for themselves. Now Mordecai sitting in the King's Gate unmoved as
it is extremely improbable that persons landed Haman passes by-and it really was very prounder the circumstances described could exercise
voking. :a fair and real discretion as to whether they would remain or migrate. Among the liberated Africans
THIRLWALL’s History Of Greece, No. 8.
25 cents. is a great proportion of children ; in the Progreso, in which the Reverend Pasco Hill, author of a Nar COPLAND'S DICTIONARY OF PRACTICAL MEDIrative of Fisty Days on board a Slaver, took a cine, Part 4. 50 cents. Edited, with additions, voyage, there were 213 children out of 447 by Charles A. Lee, M.D. This has a very lively iblacks: it is a mockery to give choice and option Table of Contents on the cover, beginning Colic, to the children, if even they could be given to the Colon, Coma, Concretions, Congestions, &c. grown-up men. The governor, in fact, withheld
HarperS' ILLUSTRATED SHAKSPEARE, Nos. 43 the operation of the proclamation as to all children
Much Ado about Nothing. Price 25 under nine years of age. Sir Robert contended
cents. that the government, having taken upon itself, by a benevolent despotism, the charge of the slaves,
From Greely f McElrath, New York. who have as little a choice of their own after the Popular LECTURES ON ASTRONOMY. By M. capture of a slaver as before it, cannot absolve Arago. With Additions and Corrections by Dr. themselves from the implied compact under which Lardner. Price 25 cents. Dr. Lardner's Lec-52,000 Africans have been introduced into Sierra | tures have so much excited popular attention to Leone and provided for. It has been said that the the subject of Astronomy, that we presume this toiony is expensive ; but, taking the expenditure work will meet with the extensive sale it deat an average of 10,0001. a year, is it not the fact serves. that the revenue exceeds the expenditure? In The publishers have heretofore been issuing a that colony the Africans have extraordinary op- series of “Useful Works for the People," the old portunities of education; and about one fifth of the stock of which was destroyed in the fire which population are under a course of instruction. lately consumed the office of the New York TriYet, in June last, liberated African children were bune--and this is a new beginning. Tequired, under a peremptory order of the gov We are far from agreeing with all the opinions ernor, either to be taken out to the people located of the New York Tribune ; but it is conducted in the villages, or to migrate to the West Indies; with so much energy, and (so far as we can and 100 boys and girls actually did migrate. He judge) with such entire honesty of purpose, that did not object to admitting into the West Indies we rejoice in its success, and wish well to all its those who are really free; but this so-called collateral business—not doubting that the same option is like Dr. Johnson's description of a congé desire to deserve well of the public, will guide the d'élire, which is recommending a man throten selection which the publishers make of books for Out of a window 10 fall softly to the ground. Sir, the inarket.
From the Edinburgh Review. the continuity and cohesion of its parts. It has Political Philosophy. In Three Parts. Part rendered it more useful as a book, and less perfect
First. Principles of Government of Monarch- as a treatise. It is a sacrifice of artistical merit to ical Government. Part Second. Of Aristoc-utility: racy-Aristocratic Governments. Part Third.
By far the largest portion of the work is purely Of Democracy—Mixed Monarchy. By HENRY
historical. of the twenty chapters of the first LORD BROUGHAM, F. R. S., Member of the volume, the last ten are devoted to the history of Royal Institute of France Three Volumes.
Monarchy in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Por8vo. London : 1842–44.
tugal, Denmark, and Sweden ; and the greater
part of the remainder is employed in the history of This work was published, as may be seen by the Asiatic despotisms, and of the feudal system. the dates, at successive periods. On the appear. The second volume contains twenty-eight chapance of the first number, we expressed our satis- ters, of which only the first six treat of the nature faction at a beginning being made to supply a and consequences of aristocratic government; the great deficiency in our Political Literature ; and remaining twenty-two being histories of the ariswe promised to examine and report on the whole tocracies of Poland, Hungary, Rome, Ancient work when it should be concluded. If any apol- Greece, Modern Italy, and Switzerland. The ogy for our not having sooner performed this third volume contains thirty-five chapters, of which promise be due, either to the public or to the dis- the first twenty-one treat of democracy and mixed tinguished author, it is to be found, partly in the government; and the rest contain the constitugreat extent and difficulty of the subject, and tional histories of England, the United States, partly in the manner in which he has treated'it. France, Holland, Belgium, and Switzerland.
The influence on human affairs of different forms Throughout are dispersed disquisitions as to the of government, may be considered historically, influence on humán happiness of different administheoretically, or practically: or, in other words, trative institutions, and precepts as to the modes may be made the subject of a history, a science, by which they may be best adapted to given poor an art. The writer may describe the nature, litical forms; and frequently, after noticing the and relate the origin, the growth, and the fate defects of existing institutions, the means of of the principal political constitutions which have remedying them are pointed out. actually existed. He may tell the causes-some For this mixture of narrative, of philosophical the result of design, but more of accident—through exposition, and of positive precept, so far as we which the early simple governments, in some are merely a part of the public, we are grateful; cases, were preserved unaltered ; in others were but as Reviewers, we feel that it gives us only a changed froin one pure form into another; and in choice of difficulties. Anything like a general others became mixed. He may show how the view of the whole work would be a condensed and mixed forms gradually grew more and more com- yet meagre abstract; and if we select portions, plicated; until at length the system of divided and give to them their due consideration, a very powers, of balances, and of checks, becaine un- few will be all to which we can afford any attenmanageable, and the machine, unfit to resist attack, tion. or perhaps even to bear the friction of its own or The historical part we shall not criticise-not dinary working, was broken up by foreign con- certainly because we undervalue it—it is executed quest or by revolution. This is the historical with great research and sagacity, and contains treatment of the subject.
many brilliant and clear condensations, many Or, instead of relating what has existed, he may striking comparisons and contrasts, and much valshow what is capable of existing. He may ex- uable criticism, both historical and political—but plain the different modes in which the supreme simply because we have not room for it. From power may be distributed or collected, the effects the practical portion, we shall select for examinawhich it is the tendency of each form to produce, tion a very few of the most important, or the most and the modifications to which that tendency is remarkable passages. Of the scientific portion, subject from intrinsic and extrinsic accidents, we shall endeavor to give an outline as full as is from the intrinsic influence of race, religion, cli- consistent, not with the importance of the subject, mate, and situation, and the extrinsic action of one or of the treatise, but with our confined limits. nation upon another. This is the scientific treat In the first chapter, Lord Brougham inquires
into the origin of civil governments. He disposes Or, lastly, assuming that those who have the summarily but efficiently of the rival theories of power of creating or altering the constitution of original contract, proprietary right, and prescripa nation have some given end in view—its power, tion; and asserts that the rational foundation of all its wealth, its freedom, its tranquillity, or its intel-government—the origin of a right to govern, and ligence-he may show what is the constitutiona correlative duty to obey—is expediency—the under which, in any particular case, any one or general benefit of the community. In the second more of these objects is most likely to be effected, chapter, after stating the generally admitted prowhat are the incidental sacrifices, and how these position, that in every state there must be a susacrifices may be diminished. This may be called preme power, an individual or a body possessing practical politics, or the art, as distinguished from authority in itself, legally absolute and unconihe science and the history of government. trolled, and that this authority may be exercised
Whichever of these three modes of treating the by acts, either legislative or executive, he provast subject of government were adopted, it could ceeds, in the following passages, to give an outline not be considered adequately except at great of his subject, and to mark its principal divilength. Lord Brougham has united them, and sions :has therefore been forced to compress into one “ There are three great divisions under which treatise the matter of three. This, of course, has governments, where they are of the simple and rendered his work more complete in its outline, unmixed form, may be classed according to the and less so in its details; and has also impaired hands in which the supreme power is lodged. It
may be vested in a single person, or it may be causes in his own person? How can he be obligod vested in a particular class different from the hulk to allow the judges whom he finds, or whom he of the community, or it may be vested in the com- has nominated, to retain their offices for life? The munity at large. In the first case, the government power that restrains or coerces him must at least is called a Monarchy; in the second, an Aristoc- be equal to his own, and in that case he is not, in racy; in the third, a Democracy.
fact, absolute—the constitution is not a pure monIn order that any one of these forms of gov- archy. Again, if the people at large have reernment should be pure, the supreme power tained, or rather have proposed to retain, no should be vested in one of these three bodies or power but that of electing legislative and execuauthorities exclusively, and without any control or live functionaries, it is clear that they hold that check from any other. A pure or absolute mon- power merely at the will of those whom they have archy implies that the sovereign should have the elected. The legislative body elected for three whole power, legislative and executive, in his own years, may pass a law that it shall sit for seven, or person. If his power is shared, or if his functions that it shall sit so long as it pleases, or that it shall are exercised subject to any control or check, the be elected by only a portion of the people, or that it government is no longer purely monarchical, but shall appoint its own successors, or that its powers in some degree mixed. In like manner, if the shall be hereditary. If it be answered, that it would aristocracy shares its authority with the people not venture to do so, the reply is, that the fear of at large, or allows any check over its operations resistance operates as a practical check on all govto the people at large, or to any individual func- ernments whatsoever. Even in the purest democtionary over whose creation it has no control, the racy, the majority is controlled by the lear of provokgovernment is no longer a pure but a mixed Aris- ing the resistance of the minority. But we have seen tocracy—and so of a Democracy.
that there must exist, in every state, a supreme " It'must, however, be kept in mind, that in power uncontrolled by law. We are now inquiring order to detract from the purity of any of these as to the modes in which this supreme power may forms, the supreme power itself must be actually be distributed or collected, and for the purposes of divided, and not merely an arrangement made vol- this inquiry the question always is, what the individuntarily by the party having the supreme power, uals, or the bodies possessing a portion of this and which only subsists during that party's plea- power, legally can do—not what they are likely to
do; their quoia, not their durauis. Even if we sup“In a monarchy, the choice by the sovereign pose the delegation of legislative power to be parof a council to aid him in his office, or to exercise tial as well as temporary—if we suppose that the a portion of his power, does not detract from his people at large retains exclusively to itself, not power, and does not render the government a merely the right of election, but also the power of mixed one. (So,) if the sovereign can do what- altering the more important parts of the constituever he pleases, except that the judges of his own tion-as is the case in the United States--can it nomination act for life—in other words, if all he is be maintained, that the constitution remains equally prevented from doing is judging causes in his own democratic, whatever be the period for which that person—if he is independent of all other control in partial delegation is made? Can it be said, that his legislative and executive functions, and only if in one country the legislative and executive restrained by being obliged to judge through per- functionaries are elected for life, in another for sons of his own nomination, even if these are twenty years, in another for ten, and in another named by him for life—we call it an absolute, and every six months, the management of affairs in not a mixed monarchy. The limitations arising each country equally depends on the will of the from this judicial arrangement are plainly little people ? And if the delegation of power for more than nominal, because he may choose such iwenty years impair the purity of the democratic tools as he can rely upon, and has no one to con- principle, so must, pro tanto, its delegation for six trol or watch his choice.
months, or for one month. Again, the purity of the democratic form is Lord Brougham admits, that if an aristocracy not diminished, by arrangements made for the pur- allows any check on its proceedings to an indipose of enabling, a people inhabiting an exten-vidual functionary, over whose creation it has no sive territory to administer its own affairs. It may control, it is no longer a pure aristocracy. But if delegate for this purpose the legislative, the exec- that check be effectual, it is pro tanto an introducutive, and the judicial power to individuals as to tion of the monarchical principle, even though the bodies; it may be satisfied that these should be individual functionary be created by the aristovested in certain portions of the community, and cratic body. If, in a purely aristocratic governnone remain in the nation at large, except the ment, the aristocratic body make a law appointing choice of those ruling portions; and still the gov- a president for life, and requiring his concurrence ernment is purely democratic, and not at all mixed, in all subsequent legislation, the government is because no body or individual exists in the com- from that instant partly monarchical. The will munity having power independent of the people- of an individual can now control that of the whole and because the people have not shared their own community. Like the horse in the fable, the compower with others over whom they have no con- munity has taken a bit into its mouth and a rider Trol, but only deputed others to exercise their au on its back. And the effect is the same in kind, thority."*
though not in degree, whether the president be Wé doubt whether Lord Brougham adopts a appointed for life, or for ten years, or for a month, convenient nomenclature, when he applies the epi- whether we have an absolute or only a suspensive thet pure to a monarchy in which there are irre- veto. movable functionaries, or to a democracy in which The result is, that to obtain a precise nomenclathe people act through representatives. How can ture, we must confine the term pure monarchy to an absolute monarch be prevented from judging the form of government in which an individual is
legally omnipotent—the term pure aristocracy to * Vol. i., p. 73 to 77.
the form which allows no legal resistance to the