be granted-it will surely be granted hereafter, | Robert Peel's speech of the 19th, offering all up and when it is to be apprehended it will be too to agitation, coöperating with external difficulties, late-when, as your other concessions have done, asserting no motive of justice for what might be instead of soothing, it will promote agitation- conceded, and reserving no principle against any when, as all your other concessions have done, it surrender, however wild and ruinous. will be manifest to all the world that it is not an act of justice or of humanity, but an avowal of weakness; and when it may be doubted whether the Irish nation will have been more injured by your long refusal or by your constrained concession of it."

Upon this Lord John Russell (between whose reception of the ministerial measure and that of his colleague invidious comparison had been drawn) impressively remarked

With this management the Maynooth grant has not been as oil on the troubled waters, but as oil on the flame, and the fires of the agitation, before smouldering, burn with redoubled fierceness.

For the peace of Ireland the thing is now not merely futile, the motives avowed for it are stimulants to mischiefs incalculable. In Ireland they embolden and invigorate the repeal agitation, while in Great Britain the grant rouses and exasperates intolerance. The two worst spirits in the two divisions of the kingdom are inflamed by this unlucky measure, the most ill-managed if not the most ill-advised.

"I will not enter upon that party question upon which my right hon. friend the member for Edinburgh spoke the other night; but, if I do not do that, it is not from any disagreement at the senti- Yet it must not be rejected. The mischief has ments expressed by him. To all that he said that been already done in Sir Robert Peel's speech night and this I agree. Whether or not there will in support of it, and that cannot be recalled, and be any future discussion upon that subject I know throwing out the bill would only infuriate Ireland; not, but if there should be I shall think it my for though its value is now not great in her sight, duty to contrast the conduct of hon. gentlemen op- for a straw so refused the quarrel of national posite from 1836 to 1841, and their conduct from pride and religion combined would be one of the 1841 to 1843, with that which they are at present most rancorous nature. Carried, it will bring no pursuing; and I do come to this conclusion, that peace to Ireland, and leave a festering place in either there was the greatest blindness, the greatest this country, which will trouble it for many years want of foresight from 1835 to 1843, and in that to come. How many of our best men are emcase I can have no opinion of their wisdom, and broiled with their constituencies, and have their must suppose that the ministers are the most want-seats endangered by their votes on this question, ing in capacity of any that have ruled this country and by what an order of minds are they likely to for a long time; or, if I refuse that conclusion, and say they are men of great ability and capacity, I must deny that they acted with any sincerity during the whole course of their opposition. (Hear.)"

Sir Robert Peel now pretends that the Oregon dispute had nothing to do with the Maynooth concession, though he had taken such pains to connect the one with the other in his speech of the 19th. "But remember," says he, "that I gave notice of this measure last August." True, but did not this very bone of contention then lie in prospect before him; and besides that, was there not at that time the much greater danger of a rupture with France? He may shuffle and equivocate now to the best of his powers of quibbling, but the truth has escaped him (and, seldom as it does escape him, the public must make the most of it when they get it,) that his concessions are made not to justice, but wrung from his fears.

The Chronicle observes, that the virtue of the Maynooth grant has been marred by the display of bigotry against it in England, which has exasperated national prejudices, before too strong. Undeniably the exhibition is a very offensive one, but it is not the intolerance of England which has made Mr. O'Connell turn back to the Repeal agitation with renewed spirit and confidence, and which has caused him to forbid the queen's visit under certain pains and penalties-the speeches of Mr. Macaulay and Sir James Graham are the avowed causes for his renewal of the war. The truth is, that the grant was but a nine day's wonder, a surprise, and an agreeable one for the moment; but the novelty gone, the thing is valued at its worth, and what is granted is compared with what is withheld, and discontent resumes its natural and, we will add, its just sway. Most unwarrantably, however, were the repealers strengthened and emboldened by Sir

be superseded. That Maynooth may have more gentlemanly students, England and Scotland will have inferior, narrow-minded representatives, and the repeal agitation the most brilliant encourage

ment.

Of all the modes of conciliating Ireland Sir Robert Peel has taken the worst, the most transitory in its appeasing effects, with the greatest amount of exasperation on this side of St. George's Channel. The repeal cause is the only one that profits by it, and owes it lasting gratitude. As a tribute to it, the surrender, as explained by the minister, is of incalculable value.

From the Examiner.

THE JESUITS IN SWITZERLAND.

SCHLOSSER, the able historian of the eighteenth century, classes throughout his work Protestant and Catholic Jesuits together, and will not allow that order, which he seems to think founded in nature, to be confined to one creed. All ecclesiastics, struggling for domination, under the pretence of being exclusively pious, and seeking to monopolize the conscience of the old, the education of the young, the confidence of statesmen, and the influence of aristocracy, he sets down as Jesuits; all such acting instinctively in the spirit of a corporation, even when the fraternity has not been formally instituted as one. The Heidelberg historian plainly says, that Germany has suffered as much from the insidious intolerance of the Lutheran Jesuits as from the greediness of the Catholic order; and it is evident that if the worthy professor had to write the religious history of Ireland, he would set down the General of the Jesuits and the Grand Master of the Orangemen precisely in the same category.

We give this German view of the Jesuits as a preface to some remarks on the civil war which

"SHAKHAWL.

quest?'

What is your name and re

"MYSELF. Joseph Wolff is my name, a moollah and dervish from England, who was in the city of Bokhara twelve years ago' (Moollah Hajee recollected this, and said so,) when I was well treated by his majesty, and a passport was given to me previous to my departure, which stated that the high order had been issued that Joseph Wolff be allowed to return to his country, and that on the road no one should lay any hindrance in his way. After me, Sir Alexander Burnes arrived, was well treated, and allowed to proceed on his way to England; and the hospitable conduct of his majesty towards myself and Sir Alexander Burnes induced others to visit Bokhara. Both the officers, highly beloved and honored by the British government, my friends, Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly, came here. Captain Conolly was my murreed, (spiritual disciple,) when suddenly it was reported from the land of Russia, the land of Khiva, &c., that both these officers, brave in war, and possessing religion, had been killed by order of the King of Bokhara; and this news made not only a great sensation throughout England and Hindostan, but also in America; and Mahomed Ali of Egypt heard of it; and thousands in England exclaimed, "War with Bokhara!" (Here I was interrupted by the Shakhawl, who asked me, 'How far is England from Bokhara I replied that England was only three months from Bokhara; but that we had troops at Shikarpore, near Candahar, which is only thirty days distant.) I then continued saying, 'I, Joseph Wolff, seeing this great commotion throughout the world about the reported death of Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly, I printed in the newspapers: "Oh, my English friends, I cannot believe the report of the death of Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly, for at Bokhara they revere guests very much. I will, therefore, go and ascer tain the truth!" My friends said, "Don't go, for they will kill you also." I replied, "Go I will, for Captain Conolly was my great friend." On seeing my determination, my friends induced the government of England to order their ambassadors at Constantinople and Teheran to procure me letters to his majesty the King of Bokhara, from the sultan, and from Mahomed Shah. On my arrival at Constantinople the sultan gave me the required letters, also the Sheik ul Islam of Stamboul, and Mahomed Shah, not only gave me letters for the King of Bokhara, but also for the Asoof-oodDowlah, ordering him to give me every assistance and aid, in order that I might obtain a good reception at Bokhara.'

"SHAKHAWL. What is, therefore, now your object?'

MYSELF. 'My object is to ask, Where are my friends, Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly? Are they alive or dead? If alive, I beg his majesty to send them with me back to England; if dead, I beg his majesty to state the cause.'

"SHAKHAWL. Has the British government itself authorized you to come here?'

66 MYSELF. No, I am sent by the sultan and Mahomed Shah on account of their friendship with England.'

"SHAKHAWL. Are you authorized to claim them if alive?'

'MYSELF. Yes, by all the powers of Europe, and the voice of the British nation." "SHAKHAWL. 'Is there much commotion about it in England?'

THE OREGON QUESTION.

We do not recollect a speech which has given us more pleasure than that by Lord Aberdeen, of the 4th of April, on the Oregon question. It shows that our foreign relations are confided to a man who has the wisdom to detect and the courage to despise the vanity and want of real pride, which at present, much more than ambition or rapacity, lead nations to become instruments of mutual destruction. We congratulate the country that our minister prefers justice, moderation, and common sense to obstinacy or magniloquence, and "keeping up a high tone." Six months more of the "high tone" might have occasioned events which would have thrown back the civilization of Europe for a century. At the same time we do not agree with him, if it be, which probably it is not, his meaning, that the maintenance of national honor is the only legitimate ground of war. Cases may be supposed of a benefit to be obtained, or an evil to be averted, so great as to be worth the certain calamities and even the risks of war, though peace might have been honorably preserved. This, however, is not one of them. The Oregon territory is really valueless to England and to America. The only use of it to England is as a hunting-ground, which enables the Hudson's Bay Company to keep up its monopoly against the English people: a monopoly which occasions many species of furs to be twice and sometimes three times as dear in London as in Leipsic. The only use of it to America would be to make it an addition to territories already far too large for good government or even for civilization. The emigrants to Oregon must pass through thousands of miles of unoccupied land, with a soil and a climate far better than they will find on the shores of the Pacific. And when they get there, what will be the social state of a few thousand families, scattered through a territory more than six times as large as England, and three thousand miles from the seat of government? They will mix with the Indians, and sink into a degraded race of half-caste barbarians. If she could obtain sovereignty over the whole of the lands west of the Rocky Mountains to-morrow, every wise American statesman must wish that. the next day they should sink into the sea.

The only real point in dispute, therefore, is a point of honor; the only real question is, what is the maximum which either party can concede, or,. which is the same, the minimum which either party: can honorably accept.

The Oregon territory extends in length from latitude 42; the Mexican boundary to 54.40; the Russian, being a distance of about 760 miles, and in breadth from the sea to the Rocky Mountains. an average distance of 500 miles. So that its.

two thirds of the habitable part of it. It does not | branch of the Columbia that river should form the appear that any attempt was ever made to act on boundary. America required that the 49th parallel this absurd assumption of sovereignty. A large should continue the boundary. England afterwards portion of the territory comprehended by it, that be- agreed to surrender the peninsula north of the tween 39.20 and 42, is now under the undisturbed Columbia, formed by Admiralty inlet. This was Sovereignty of Mexico. In 1800 Spain restored refused, and the negotiation ended by an indefinite Louisiana to France, and in 1803 France ceded it prolongation of the convention of 1818, each party to the United States. This gave, for the first time, being at liberty to annul it by a year's notice. to the United States a claim by contiguity to the portion of the Oregon territory which lies to the west of Louisiana, subject, however, to the Spanish claim to advance north in respect to California, and to the Russian claim to proceed south, and also subject to the provisions of the Nootka Sound Convention.

In 1805 or 1806 the Rocky Mountains were, as we have already stated, first crossed by the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company on the north, and by Lewis and Clarke on the south.

The Hudson's Bay Company soon afterwards established some hunting posts on the west of those mountains. The Americans made little use of this new field until 1811, when Astor founded the small settlement to which he gave the name of Astoria, near the mouth of the Columbia. During the war of 1813 Astoria was taken by England. In pursuance of the first article of the treaty of 1814, it was restored to persons sent by the American government to receive it. The English flag was struck, and the American flag hoisted.

We now come to the last source of title, settlement. America in this respect has done little. The settlement at Astoria was abandoned soon after it was restored, and is now occupied as a post by the Hudson's Bay Company. From 1,000 to 1,500 Americans are said to be now settled on the Willimit, one of the southern tributaries of the Columbia. And this, we believe, is all. Nor has England done much more. The exclusive right of trading with the Indians in the country has been granted by the crown to the Hudson's Bay Company; but the grant contains no power to acquire, and still less to give a title to lands. It contains a proviso that nothing therein contained shall prevent the crown from establishing a colony, or annexing any part of the territory to any of our North American colonies. But nothing of the kind has been done, and it does not appear to us that any British subject has a title to a foot of land within the territory. The Hudson's Bay Company have indeed posts in many parts of it; a few to the south and many to the north of the Columbia, but under their charter they have no right to these posts, or to the adjoining lands, except that of temporary occupation for the purpose of their trade. The whole number of whites under the English allegiance does not, we believe, exceed 500, about one individual to every 700 square miles. By an act passed in 1821 they are subject to the British laws.

The Americans now propose to colonize the territory; and this, as succeeding to the rights of Spain under the Nootka Sound Convention, they are entitled to do. If millions of Americans choose to settle in any part of the territory they may do so; and so may millions of Englishmen. That this would be very inconvenient to both parties is obvious, and luckily the country is so miserable a one that there is no chance of its occurring. But if a few thousands of the people of each nation were to proceed thither, and dot themselves over the best valleys, much disagreeable, perhaps mischievous, quarrelling might ensue. It is clear that this ought to be prevented as soon as possible by a partition. And we now come to the question as to the mode and terms of partition.

It now became necessary to make some arrangement between America and England. As neither party had any exclusive claim against Russia or Spain, perhaps the best plan was that which was adopted, namely, to copy the Nootka Sound Convention, and agree, "that any country which may be claimed by either party, westward of the Rocky Mountains, shall for ten years be open to the citizens and subjects of both powers; this agreement not to prejudice the claim of either party, or of any other state." This was the Convention of 1818. In 1819, by the Florida treaty, the 42nd parallel was admitted by the United States to be the Spanish frontier, and Spain ceded to the United States all her rights, claims, and pretensions to any territories north of that line. From that time the United States had three titles. First, Their own by contiguity; secondly, that of Spain by contiguity and thirdly, that of Spain by discovery; the two Spanish titles being, however, subject to the Nootka Sound Convention. In 1824 Russia put in her claim. By an imperial ukase she declared the whole north-west of America, above the 51st parallel, to be part of the Russian territory. Against this England and the United States protested, and, after a fruitless attempt at joint negotiation, each treated separately with Russia. By the American treaty of the 17th of April, 1824, it was stipulated that the United States should form no settlements north of 54.40, and Russia| The best mode of arrangement would be that none south of that line. By the English treaty which has been offered by England, and though of the 28th of February, 1825, a line beginning in not accepted, not definitely rejected by America54.40, and then running in a north-western and arbitration. The dispute after all is a mere quesnorthern direction, was declared to be the boundary tion of national pride, and the pride of neither nabetween the Russian and the British possessions. tion could be offended by submission to an award. The claimants of the territory between the Rus- If that award were to give the whole country down sian and Spanish boundary were now reduced to to the Mexican frontier to England, America would two, England and the United States, and in 1826, suffer no real loss. She would be only prevented as the convention of 1818 was near its expiration, from wasting her resources and violating her conan attempt was made to effect a final partition. stitution in the acquisition and defence of what Both parties agreed that the boundary line should must, in effect, be a distant colony. If the award start at the 49th parallel, but England required that were to give the whole territory to America, the as soon as the line struck the north-easternmost | value of the monopoly enjoyed by the Hudson's

The maximum claim of England and the minimum of America is the Columbia; the maximum of America and the minimum of England is the 49th parallel. If each were mad enough to insist on its maximum a collision must ensue.