sand pounds.'

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Of this vast multitude of man- | advertiser will communicate his discovery either kind, there are, it appears, only a few superlatively to the ministers of state, nobility, or those who sanguine individuals who hope to obtain the re- may take an interest in the wellbeing of society, quired cash by advertising. Ample security" on condition of his receiving (if his plans are apor usurious interest is generally the bait held forth proved, and made available for the purposes conto lenders; but we are able to produce one remark- templated) £100,000. If the nation be saved, able instance in which the advertiser expresses a it is not to be saved by the ordinary operations of wish for the loan of a bagatelle of four thousand statesmanship.'-Lord Ashly." The modesty of pounds without security, and which he proposes the advertiser prevents him from adding in words to repay, not with interest, but with gratitude :- what he evidently wishes the reader to conclude; "A MAN OF RANK, holding a distinguished public namely, that the nation is only to be saved by E. S., office, moving in the highest society, and with of No. 142 Cheapside. brilliant prospects, has been suddenly called upon The rest of the columns of the Times usually to pay some thousands of pounds, owing to the occupied by advertisements are filled with andefault of a friend for whom he had become guar-nouncements of new works, either just out, or in antee. As his present means are unequal to meet preparation; patent medicines, and sales by aucthis demand, and he can offer no adequate security for a loan, the consequence must be ruin to himself and his family, unless some individual of wealth and munificence will step forward to avert this calamity, by applying £4000 to his rescue. For this he frankly avows that he can, in present cir- Lastly come the rhetorical advertisements. cumstances, offer no other return than his grati- These flow from the fervent pens of imaginative tude. A personal interview, however painful, auctioneers, "who"-to quote Mr. Puff once will be readily granted, in the confidence that the more-" crowd their announcements with panegygenerosity of his benefactor will be the best guar-rical superlatives, each rising above the other, like antee for his delicate observance of secrecy. He the bidders in their own auction rooms;" inlaying hopes his distressing condition will protect him" their phraseology with variegated chips of exotic from the prying of heartless curiosity; and to prevent the approaches of money-lenders, he begs to repeat that he can give no security. Address to Anxious,' General Post-office, London." This "anxious" man of rank made known his trifling want in the Times of January, 1844.

เ

tion. One department is benevolently set aside for the insertion of short applications for places from domestic servants. These advertisements are received at a price which little more than covers the duty, and expense of composing.

metaphor." The skill with which their descriptions of houses or of lands magnify excellences and conceal defects without making an entire sacrifice of truth, is on some occasions wonderful. When a mansion is dilapidated, that is described as a lucky circumstance, for, "with a trifling outlay, the fortunate purchaser will be afforded a fine opportunity of exercising his taste in restoration, alteration, and decoration." Sometimes the auctioneer is "happy" to announce that a large portion of the estate now for sale is in a completely uncultivated state, so that the possessor will have

The sixth and last column of the first page of the Times is invariably devoted to equestrian and vehicular advertisements. Any gentleman who may want a clever hack, a quiet cob, a powerful horse of splendid action, warranted to ride or drive; or any tradesman requiring a team of superior young cart-horses, has only to consult his news-a fine field for the introduction of those wonderful paper.

Over leaf, on the second page of the Times, persons in want of "apartments" or lodgings," with or without board," will find many places to choose from. Announcements of public companies which are of a more general interest come next. Amongst them sometimes appear singular effusions, chiefly consisting of the schemes of enthusiastic patriots and headlong politicians, who invent plans for setting everything to rights in this complicated community, as fast as the horses, announced for sale in a previous column, can gallop. One, which was published about twelve months since, we have carefully preserved. It is by a political regenerator who dates from Cheapside :

improvements in draining and agricultural chemistry which are now at his disposal. We must admit, however, that these wordy announcements are less frequent in the Times than in other newspapers, although the above expressions are copied from its pages. The truth is, the graces of rhetoric are not exempted from the high charges of that densely filled journal, but cost as much per line as the veriest cheesemonger's puff. Economy therefore obliges the verbose auctioneer to be sparing of adjectives, and to cut out his most exalted superlatives. It is only when the magnitude of the transaction enables him-heureusement-to puff off the property "regardless of expense," that he is able to take a high flight in a long advertisement. "TO THE MINISTERS OF STATE, NOBILITY, AND We have now reviewed the various announceCOMMUNITY AT LARGE.-A remedy for the dis-ments which, taking the average, daily appear in tresses of England.-Every considerate person admits the present condition of society to be perfectly anomalous. A remedy has at length been discovered a remedy which would effectually arrest the progress of pauperism, confer incalculable benefits upon the industrial community, and diffuse joy and gladness throughout the length and breadth of the land, making England (without exaggeration) the envy of surrounding nations, and the admiration of the world. The plan possesses the peculiar merit of being practicable, and easy of application, without in the slightest degree infringing the rights of property as by law established, or in any way disturbing the present relations of society. The

* Bubbles of the Day, by Douglas Jerrold.

the Times newspaper. By an orderly arrangement of the printer, the different kinds we have adverted to appear as nearly as possible in the portions of the vast sheet which we have described, so that a practised reader can tell, within a column or so, where to pitch upon the sort of announcement he may wish to peruse. No one possessed of a spice of philosophy can glance over those broad sheets, without extracting a deep meaning from the mass, and without getting a strong insight into human nature from many of the individual advertisements. Had the Acta Diurna of the Romans contained similar announcements, we should have learned more of their private life and habits from one of its numbers, than from all the classical works which have been handed down to us.

LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 57.-14 JUNE, 1845.

SCRAPS.-Softening Stone, 500-Colors, Hues, Tints, and Shades; Railway Economy, 503-Fearfully and Wonderfully Made, 514-Mrs. Child's Letters, 523-College of Chemistry; Railway under the Thames, 533.

publisher must cherish sentiments favorable to the and, as we said before, we do not think the Presipretensions of the country's enemies, he will at dent meant to be so understood in Europe. Since least refrain from giving them expression in this our brief notice was written there has been an arwork. The brief article to which we allude would rival from Europe which shows that our anticipabe harmless enough in the corner of a Boston news-tions were correct, and that as far as we can judge paper, but, appearing under the circumstances which it does, it is highly offensive." the French public think Great Britain more nearly in the right than we are.

had "

We did not "distinctly commend" Sir Robert |ing from opinions recently expressed in this journal, Peel for his conduct in reply. We stated that he it seems to us to be at least very interesting eviably, adroitly, and we must acknowledge dence as to the merits of the question, when a Frenchman, who openly avows his hatred of Engfairly, made use of the opportunity to animadvert land, who is a diplomatist also, well acquainted upon the unusual course of the President," and we with and fully qualified to expound the various lamented that he had the opportunity. We have treaties and conventions severally relied on by the not shown any unwillingness to think or speak litigant parties, yet goes so far as to declare diswell of the " powers that be." So far otherwise, tinctly, that the Oregon territory rightfully belongs that we made haste to enjoy in anticipation-to United States have not a shadow of title to it. He to Great Britain, and that, chicanery apart, the realize as it were-all the indications of a sound concludes his lucid discussion of the arguments on and energetic administration, which could be gath- both sides with this emphatic avowal : ered in advance. We have even suffered our praise of the President for refusing to see, as such, a party association, to stand; although we found we were entirely in the wrong as to the fact.

"If we must now pronounce an opinion on this important question, we cannot, in spite of our symhatred of the ambitious policy of England, help pathies with the United States and our profound acknowledging that in this instance justice and In another part of this number will be found a reason are on the side of the latter, and that Engpleasant and judicious article from the Examiner; land has an absolute and exclusive right to the and in that paper of 17 May is the following re-possession of the disputed territory. This sentence view of a French work, the author of which comes, will doubtless draw down upon us much violent most unaccountably, to a decision in favor of Eng-viction, and the result, not so much of our explorcriticism; yet it is the expression of sincere con

land to the whole :

Exploration du Territoire de l'Oregon, de Californie, et de la Mer Vermeille, executée pendant les années 1840, 1841, et 1842. Par M. Duflot de Mofras, Attaché a la Legation de France à Mexico. Two vols. Dulau.

ation of the Oregon territory, as of the careful study and examination of the treaties, conventions, and documents of every kind which bear upon the question."

We have said that M. de Mofras is, like some others of his countrymen, extremely adverse to the "perfidy and ambition" of England. But in This is an interesting and, in the present circum- affirming the right of this country to the Oregon stances of the political world, not an unimportant territory, he professes to yield to the dictation of work. M. de Mofras' expedition was undertaken, an unequivocal and imperative sense of justice. and the volumes narrating it are now published, Yet he finds it impossible to keep his eyes fixed by order of the French government. It appears long and steadily on so sober and dispassionate an that he had previously visited North America; and object as abstract justice. He soon loses sight of being attached to the French Embassy at Madrid, it; forgets its language; and intimates his expecwas selected by his government, owing we presume to his acquaintance with the Spanish language and the history of Spanish maritime enterprise, for the task of exploring the north-west coast of America. To this end he was attached to the French Legation in Mexico, whence, after due preparation, he proceeded on that survey of the immense regions lying between Mexico and the Columbia, and of the coasts as far as Behring's Straits, the narrative of which is now before us. The author observes that "his work commences where that of M. de Humboldt leaves off, and that his chief title to indulgence will be, that he has attempted to follow the traces and continue the work of that illustrious traveller."

tation that in this dispute, as in the case of the north-east boundary, American firmness will triumph over British pride. Our readers already know that we are indisposed to countenance any such hope, or to regard such a question as this of the Oregon, in the light of a "triumph" for either party.

THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.-In the year 1847, the New Houses of Parliament will be completed. Owing to the unsettled state of the iron trade, some delay has occurred in fixing the iron work of the roof, but a considerable portion is in readiness. The House of Lords is roofed in.

To us, however, the most attractive portion of THE STATISTICS OF SOAP.-Mr. Hutt, with a M. de Mofras' work is the chapter in which he laudable desire to ascertain how his county is off discusses the rival claims of Great Britain and the for soap, has moved for and obtained a parliaUnited States to the Oregon territory. As to prior mentary return embracing all the statistics of this discovery, he asserts, and we believe with justice, very interesting subject. It seems that, in Engthat Spain alone can make out a title to the north-land, the quantity of soap manufactured is considwest coast of America on that ground. He argues also that New France, the rights and titles of which now devolve on Canada, was generally considered, in the early half of the last century, as extending to the Western Ocean. We are not sure however that he adduces any evidence on that point to which a jurist could attach much value. On the other hand, he is certainly very elaborate, if not entirely satisfactory and conclu.sive, in his examination of the treaties affecting the disputed rights, which have been severally executed by Great Britain and the United States with France, Spain, and Russia. And, without depart-cans.

erably larger than the quantity made in Scotland. Perhaps the increase in the manufacture in British soap may have arisen from a rumor that several of the old Tories intended to wash their hands of Peel; and as some of those hands have had a finger in matters not particularly nice, it was naturally thought that a great quantity of soap would be required for the operation alluded to.

We understand that Mr. Williams seconded Mr. Hutt's motion, on the ground that we ought to know how we stand for soap, when we may be called upon rather suddenly to lather the Ameri

SIR ROBERT PEEL has now explicitly avowed that the Maynooth grant has been extorted by the repeal agitation. He does not pretend that it is a concession prompted by justice or by kindness. He plainly confesses that it is wrung from the fears. "There is a cloud in the west," says he, "and we must make our peace with Ireland."

Is not this what Mr. O'Connell has been calculating on for the last three years? When urging on the repeal agitation, has he not assured his followers that whenever dangers threatened England, they would obtain all they wanted, that nothing was to be hoped from her justice or kindness, but everything from her fears, upon which they must work to attain their ends? And this view is now verified by Sir Robert Peel, who comes forward as the practical voucher for the truth of Mr. O'Connell's assertions, and confesses to the motives that have been averred to be the only ones for English

concessions.

Upon the announcement of the Maynooth grant Mr. O'Connell remarked that it had preceded only by a day the defiance of America, and he drew the inference according with his standing argument, that the concession was made to prepare against foreign dangers.

Sir Robert Peel corroborates Mr. O'Connell's view, and connects his message of peace to Ireland with the declaration of the following night. Here is the passage

lation that the day before I had sent a message of peace to Ireland."

Sir Robert Peel has thrown his cards on the table, he has shown his hand, and Mr. O'Connell is the greatest bungler that ever breathed if he does not now win the game.

If there had been no cloud in the west there would have been no anxiety to conciliate Ireland, and priests at Maynooth might have lived like pigs in a sty, without touching the shame or the compassion of Sir Robert Peel; but when a shadow of the danger of war appeared, the premier's fears dictated what his justice or good will never would have prompted. The argument then is, "We must be united, not because it is just and right to yield what may produce the blessings of union, but because foreign nations take advantage of the weakness attending our dissensions."

It is undoubtedly wise and politic to put an end to distractions inviting the encroachments and aggressions of foreign powers, but it is shameful that this should be avowed as the only motive for pacification, there being the incomparably superior one of the rights of our fellow-subjects, so long insolently slighted.

But it is only to support our claims to a wilderness on the Pacific that the premier consents to purchase the peace of Ireland.

Two bad lessons are to be derived from this confession; foreign powers learn that they have an interest in the dissensions of Ireland, which confessedly so enfeeble England that a distant shadow of danger makes her minister fain to have recourse even to the extreme and repugnant expedient of fair government; and, on the other hand, the repealers learn that they can obtain all they desire by taking advantage of foreign embarrass

ments.

"You must in some way or other break up that formidable (repeal) confederacy which exists against the British government and British connection. I do not believe you can break it up by Sir Robert Peel has in fact surrendered at disforce. I believe you can do much consistently cretion to Mr. O'Connell. On the grounds on with the principles which we avow with respect to which he has made the Maynooth grant there is the maintenance of the union and the maintenance nothing that he can refuse. He must grant whatever of the Protestant church. You can do much to may be the imposed terms of union, not with any break it up by acting in a spirit of kindness, and view to the fairness and fitness of the demands in forbearance, and generosity. I believe it is essen- themselves, but to the external perils attending the tial that you should break it up, in order that you state of protracted discord. This may not be his may carry on the work of good government in Ire-meaning, but it will be the construction put on his land, and in order that you may strengthen the connexion between the two countries, and the power and energy of this united kingdom. Sir, when I proposed this measure, I think it was on Thursday, the 3d of April-I proposed it, having given notice of it in the course of the last session of parliament, and without any the slightest reference to events which have since transpired; but on the day after I introduced the measure to the consideration of the house, our attention was called to a matter of great importance, and the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) felt it his duty partially to raise the veil which conceals the distant future. There rises in the far western horizon a cloud, small indeed, but threatening future storms. It became, my duty, on the part of the government, on that day, in temperate but significant language, to depart so far from the caution which is usually observed by a minister, as to declare publicly, that while we were most anxious for the amicable adjustment of the differences-while we would leave nothing undone to effect that amicable adjustment, yet, if our rights were invaded, we were prepared and determined to maintain them. I own to you, that when I was called upon to make that declaration, I did recollect with satisfaction and conso

speech, and the repeal agitation will proceed upon it in its exactions. The agitators have been taught to look for the success of their country's claims, not to their intrinsic justice or general expediency, but to the difficulties which may weigh upon England at the time, and if these do not happen to be present, they have only to wait for them and to persevere meanwhile in their confederacy. Clouds in the political horizon can never be very long wanting, and with the management which has been so plainly suggested they will bring their golden showers to Ireland, and having begun with Maynooth, they will one day rain mitres on the Catholic hierarchy.

Everything in concession, both reasonable and wild, may be expected from the motives proclaimed in Sir Robert Peel's speech of the 19th, which gives a complete victory to the repealers. Indeed, after this signal encouragement, we cannot see how any government can control or cope with the agitation.

We used to contend that a liberal ministry, by removing the just causes of discontent, would pale the fires of the agitation, but after the encouragement which Sir Robert Peel has given by his declaration, turning concession on the fears and

teaching the people to look to the difficulties of | which impended when France, Spain, and Holthe yielders, not to the principles of equity and land joined our American colonies in their war good government, which ought to be their guides, against us, while we were threatened at the same we must despair of pacification by moderate time by the armed neutrality of the Baltic powers means for moderate means can avail little when never, though another Bonaparte should pitch the most immoderate hopes and expectations have his camp at Boulogne-never, until all has been been encouraged. The question with the Irish staked and lost, (loud cheers)-never, until the leaders now is, not what they may fairly claim, whole world has been convulsed by the last strugbut what may be wrung from England under the gle of the great English people for their place passing clouds that must occasionally threaten her among the nations. (Renewed cheers.) That is peace. what we are prepared to follow: what we grant we will grant fairly, and what we resolve to withhold we will refuse with firmness. Then we should anticipate that our concessions would, as they have, be received with gratitude, as a proof of the equity of our conduct, and of the coincidence between our professions and our principles. But as it is, what the Irish people are refused by the present government excites their hatred, whilst every concession made in the spirit with which it is proffered by the right hon. baronet is received with contempt. Many months will not,

Ireland was the peculiar difficulty of Sir Robert Peel's ministry, but he has contrived to make it as much the difficulty of any other administration; and after the signal encouragement he has given to agitation, if he should find himself unequal to the government, he will retire with the comfort of knowing that he has rendered the task as much beyond the strength of any other ministry, tory or liberal.

It was the general impression that the premier's speech of the 19th was the speech of a condemned man, a last dying speech without a confession. I foresee, elapse, before the same machinery The parts were distributed, Sir James Graham doing the penitence, and Sir Robert the prostration suited to the last moments. Never was there a more abject performance.

which has extorted this concession in favor of Maynooth will be again called into action; and it requires no very great exercise of foresight to predict that if the present government should be in power five years hence, the right hon. gentleman, the first lord of the treasury, will come down to this house and propose the final settlement of the Irish church, and entreat us to abandon our opposition on those terms. My belief is, that the right hon. baronet will be prepared to bring down a bill

There was, indeed, a wretched attempt at bravado in his safe challenge, "Punish us, but spare our measure,' ," the only way of punishing him, as he well knows, being through the measure. As well might the convict on the drop say, "Punish me, but spare the precious rope; have mercy on the rope, don't subject it to the strain of my worth-framed in the spirit of the proposition of my less body."

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hon. friend the member for Sheffield; that bill

And yet the Morning Chronicle, in its new-will meet with the opposition of many of the right born admiration of the premier, did not scruple to characterize the speech referred to as a very able exposition," "enforced by arguments which must produce a deep impression;" and vouched for its "admirable tone!"

"Thank Heaven, we have a house of lords," the conservatives used to cry. Thank Heaven, we have a Macaulay to vindicate political morality, and boldly to say, "Thus didst thou' to the trickster, not accepting his present truckling as expiation of his former course of faction; the one being little less unprincipled and mischievous than the other. What a noble rebuke is

this

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What, let me ask you, is to be the end of a system of policy which yields nothing to reason and humanity, and which grants everything to agitation and threats? (Hear, hear.) Where will you, the government, stop short, if you are found thus constantly paltering with agitation. I defy you to say that the late government ever brought forward any measures with respect to Ireland which were not strictly conformable to their principles. You may, therefore, trust to our assertions when we tell you the point at which we will stop short in this career of concession. We promoted and supported you in carrying Catholic emancipation; we carried the reform of the municipal corporations, weakened as that measure was by your own opposition; we are now prepared to follow the same course with respect to Maynooth, even though we should sacrifice the confidence of our constituents by so doing. We think, and we now state publicly, that a repeal of the legislative union would be fatal to this great country, and we never will consent to it. Never, though we should be exposed to dangers as great as those

hon. baronet's habitual supporters; he will be dragged through by the assistance which he will derive from this side of the house, and though there may be some more earnest and more scrupulous man holding office under him, who would rather consent to sacrifice office than vote against his honest conviction, (loud cheers,) still I think I may very safely predict that there will be no difficulty whatever in finding a successor. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And should the right hon. baronet be taunted with a want of consistency and honor, he will reply by alleging the pressing circumstances that will compel us to assent to his measure, and will implore us in moving terms to assent to it, whilst a chancellor of the exchequer will be found prepared to quote my speech, and to prove that the reproach of inconsistency did not become my mouth. I think it right to speak in terms of strong reprehension with respect to a system of giving in a moment of danger that which was refused during a time of peace. I was always in favor of making fair and equitable concessions to the demands-the righteous demands, of the Irish people; and if to-morrow I were to hear that the Association for the Repeal of the Union was dissolved, and the concurrent mail brought intelligence of the complete reestablishment of our peaceful relations with America, I should neither be for giving less nor for granting more than I should be if Ireland were on the eve of a revolution-if a war was raging along the whole frontier of Canada-or if there were thirty sail of the enemy's line stationed in St. George's Channel. I shall vote with my honorable friend, for his proposition ought to have been granted long ago. I recommend to the right hon. baronet not to refuse it, although I fear if it is refused now it will