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right of search or some efficient substitute. For negotiating with Mr. Polk on the subject could be nothing but derision.

But we are also told that the slave trade works its own cure, and that the time will come, or has come, when the affrighted planter in all countries will, in self-preservation, forbid the importation of a single slave. If so, have not all our labors been thrown away? Would we not have done better to have favored and facilitated the trade, rendering the transport more humane, in order to arrive sooner at the great consummation. This is, perhaps, the most melancholy conclusion that we could arrive at with respect to our past exertions. If this be true, we have been Quixotes and Crusaders with a vengeance. We doubt, however, the justice of the conclusion, as well as of the prophecy. As long as there are new tracts and virgin soils in North and South America, capital and adventure will extend and be applied to them, and these will bring the cheapest and most productive labor. If this labor be slave labor, no power will prevent the growth and extension of slavery. This can alone be combated by the approved success and abundance of free labor. Some have a horror of introducing one more negro, free or enslaved, into the tropical regions of America, and for very obvious reasons. But can we condemn these regions to sterility, when there is a race capable of rendering them fertile? Would we not, in so doing, be embarking in yet another of those Crusades which have baffled our zeal and wasted our best energies?

We see that the colonists of French Guiana offer to emancipate their slaves, if enabled to procure an ample supply of free labor, according to the plan proposed to the government by M. Jules Le Chevalier. A successful experiment of this kind would operate more forcibly both on the United States and on Brazil, than all the negotiatory power that Lord Aberdeen, even if backed by M. Guizot, could ever bring to bear. Without some warnings and incentives of this kind, neither Brazilians nor Americans will be brought, for this century to come, to a sense of what they owe, either to humanity or their Own preserva

tion.-Examiner.

INSTRUMENTAL VOTING.

THE Americans have a plan for voting by machinery. The member has two keys before him like those of a pianoforte, and he touches the aye note or the no note, and the corresponding word springs out of a slide, and is numbered by the speaker. There are many conveniences in this scheme, and by it an expression may be given to votes which is now wanting.

sharp, pass to a crotchet on the no natural, execute a little shake on it and the aye sharp, and rest on the no flat.

The sort of doubtful choice which the Italians express by rather yes than no, and rather no than yes, would be exactly expressed by this instrument; the member touching the one note and then passing to the opposite and dwelling upon it a quaver or a crotchet longer, and then back again, and so on to the final rest. Many fatigueing see-saw speeches would be avoided by this use of the instrument.

The votes would be taken by a notation like that of music on music paper, with runs above the line or below the line, as the case might be. Additional keys would soon, we have no doubt, be invented, pedals appended for the swell in fiscal votes, and a thorough bass adapted.

The happy result will obviously be a great diminution of speaking, especially of that most unsatisfactory kind to explain a vote, the votes explaining themselves by their own organs, and a hundred wavering gentlemen will be seen shaking at once upon the aye and no, instead of occupying the house for a week in see-saw orations to show why they voted one way because they thought the other. The new gamut will thus happily put an end to much of the old gammon.

There will then arise the distinction of two classes in the house, the vocal and the instrumental performers, and much are we mistaken if the instrumental do not greatly obtain the public preference. The mechanical expression will be to the old spouting as railroad travelling to the superseded coach journeying, and a half-hour's speech will seem, by contrast, an intolerable oppression.-Examiner.

THE BEGINNING OF THE END OF REPEAL. "Too weak for boys, too green for girls of nine." FIVE hundred repealers are clad in green. What can resist such clothing?

Repeal first modestly set up a button, it has now got to a coat. As a button is to a coat, so, then, the present state of the repeal cause is to what it was five years ago.

Repeal has evidently a tailoring turn. The color of the uniform is well chosen. Green to the green. All who are green enough to believe in repeal will wear the color of credulity.

Mr. O'Connell is always talking of the greenness of Ireland, and her sons are certainly not less green than her verdure.

Now that green coats are put on, Mr. O'Connell declares that the repeal agitation has commenced in earnest. Commenced, why it was carried in '44 according to the authority of Mr. O'Connell. In the autumn of '43 was issued the promissory note for repeal three months after date; and now the cause is beginning again with a green coat. It is a farce finished one day to be repeated the next.

But can Parliament dare refuse to repeal the union, knowing the appalling fact that there are in Ireland hundreds of men resolutely wearing

A member who has misgivings or doubts about his vote will give a shake upon the aye and no before he rests upon either. But the instrument should have more than the two keys; there should be the aye natural, (white,) and the no natural, (black,) and besides them there should be the no sharp and the no flat, the aye sharp and the aye flat, to assist the expression of the vote, and by the aid of these many appoggiatura flourishes might be exe-green? cuted in the division. For example, if a member feels that there are reasons for and against a measure, and is almost balanced in opinion, in that state in which honorable gentlemen are when they speak one way and vote another, by the help of the instrument he will first perform a quaver on the aye

The conciliatory stage has passed away, it was marked by the cap which Mr. O'Connell set at England. The cap, whether a wishing cap, or cap of maintenance, did not quite succeed; so recourse is had to the green coat, the ultima ratio of repeal.-Examiner.

MAYNOOTH AND OREGON.

Inglis contended was a dangerous one to establish 19 May, 1845. even with regard to the established church of this SIR R. PEEL observed, that all the feelings which country; for he should like to know how he would had been excited in his mind during the course of apply it to the payment of church-rates by dis this protracted debate were now merged in the senters, and to his own favorite scheme for church all-absorbing hope that the house would not reject extension. He then proceeded to state that he this measure. They might be of opinion that it believed this particular measure to be just to the ought to have been proposed by the original friends Roman Catholic population of Ireland, and to vioof Catholic Emancipation-they might think that late no principle of the Protestant religion. As to government ought to forfeit their confidence for its effect, he hoped that from the willing acquieshaving proposed it at all; but he implored them, cence in the vote now proposed, it would produce if they were determined to reject, or even to punish a kindly feeling in Ireland. It had been received the men, not on, any account to reject their measure. with a grateful spirit in that country; indeed, he Could the house believe that ministers would have hardly expected in his most, sanguine expectation incurred the risk of forfeiting the confidence of the that it would produce the effect which it had already great party which they possessed, and of losing accomplished. Every feeling in his bosom was their own existence as a government, and even on this occasion subordinate to his one great wish their seats as members of that house, if they had that this measure should not be rejected. He benot been animated by a sense of public duty in pro- lieved that it could not be withdrawn at present posing this measure to its consideration? He then without wounding the feeling of every Roman proceeded to recapitulate the motives of govern- Catholic in Ireland. He would not now defend it ment in proposing it, the ulterior objects which on the ground of compact-he would rather defend they hoped to accomplish by it, and the effects it as being in itself a wise, just, and amicable which it was calculated to produce on the mutual measure. relations of Ireland and England. He showed that I say, without hesitation, you must break up the question of Maynooth had been forced by cir- that formidable confederacy which exists in that cumstances upon the consideration of government, country against the British connexion. And I beand that the government had determined in con- lieve it is essential you should break it up, in order sequence to increase the grant to that institution that you may carry on the work of good government in a liberal spirit. For the interest of peace, good in Ireland, [cheers,] and that you may strengthorder, and even of the Protestant religion itself, en the connexion between the two countries, and he believed that it was more important that he maintain, unimpaired, the power and dignity of should commit the youth of Ireland to men who the United Kingdom. [Renewed cheers.] On the were contented with the liberality of the state, horizon of the west there is a cloud [hear, hear,] than to men who were disgusted with its institu-a cloud small but threatening future darkness. tions, because they were dissatisfied with its illib- [Hear, hear.] While we were most anxious for erality. He had been asked by Sir R. Inglis an adjustment of the impending differences-while whether he had brought forward this measure as we would leave nothing undone to effect an amicaa part and parcel of a preconcerted system to ble settlement [of the Oregon question]-yet I did facilitate hereafter the endowment of the Roman feel it to be part of my duty-of the duty of the Catholic religion as a state establishment in Ire- first minister of the crown-to state that, if our land. To that question he replied by stating that rights were invaded, we were determined and prethis measure was brought forward singly and on its pared to maintain them. [Loud cheers.] I aver own merits-that it was not part of a preconcerted that when I was called upon to make that declarasystem that it was not designed to facilitate the tion, I did recollect with satisfaction and consolation. endowment of the Roman Catholic Church in Ire- that the day before I had sent a message of peace land-and that he had entered into no communica- to Ireland. [Loud cheers.] The hon. gentleman, tion with the recognized authorities of the Roman member for Canterbury, thought it not impossible Catholic Church in Ireland or elsewhere, either that the time would come when this country would directly or indirectly, upon that subject. He be- be compelled to summon all her energies for action. lieved the Roman Catholic clergy were themselves I heard that speech with great satisfaction. averse to any such endowment, and he was convinced by recent occurrences that the British public

were also averse to it.

I

(Cheers.) Now may God avert so great an evil as war. [Loud cheers.] May God forbid that this time of general peace should be so awfully disturbed. As to Sir R. Inglis' question, whether at any [Hear, hear!] But if it is to be so, if war is to come, future time, under circumstances which could not doubt much, considering what is now before me be foreseen at present, he would consent to the [alluding to the opposition to ministers on this quesendowment of the Roman Catholic Church, he re-tion] whether the vindication of our honor and our plied that he would not hamper any future gov-interests will not be confided to other hands. [Hear, ernment by a declaration that he believed that hear, hear.] But to whomsoever they may be there were insuperable difficulties in the way of committed, I shall take my place beside them, ensuch an arrangement. Sir R. Inglis had further couraging them by any support I can give an honasked him whether he did not think that there were orable cause. [Loud cheers.] And if that calamity religious objections to such an endowment. He should befall us, it is my earnest hope that when could not say for the sake of temporary popularity it shall occur, it shall find the people of this emthat there was any decided religious objection to pire united in loyalty to the throne and in determinit. He could not conceive it to be an offence ination to support the common interests. [Trementhe eye of God to contribute to the support of a dous cheering.] That Ireland shall stand ranked religion from whose tenets he differed. He did with us. And the energies of an united peonot see how Sir Robert Inglis could get over the ple will ensure a glorious triumph in a just cause. arrangements which existed in our colonies for the [The premier resumed his seat about three o'clock support of a religion different from our own, and in the morning, amid thunders of applause which especially in Canada and the island of Malta. He lasted several minutes.] Vote-for the second thought that the religious principle for which Sir R. reading 323; against it 176.

minister to whom their friendship is worthless, their enmity contemptible. So they are drawn along with the stream. The whigs impersonate the inevitable progress of human affairs, and drag along Sir Robert Peel and half his supporters. They constitute almost exactly the excess of the majority over the minority of Thursday night. So it is they who have carried the grant to Maynooth. The conservatives are spectators of the

event.- -Times.

A Treatise upon the Diseases and Hygiene of the Organs of the Voice. By COLOMBAT DE L'ISERE, Chevalier of the Royal Order of the Legion of Honor, Doctor of Medicine, Founder of the Orthophonie Institute of Paris for the Treatment of all Vices of Speech, Diseases of the Voice, etc. Translated by J. F. W. Lane, M. D. Otis, Broaders & Co., Boston. COLOMBAT DE L'ISERE, a French physician, is the author of this work. He is known particuJarly in his own country for a marked devotion to the cure of the diseases of the organs of the voice, WHAT O'CONNELL SAYS.- -There is one thing and as the founder, also, of an institution in Paris, that is delightful-it was on Thursday he brought called orthophonic. Dr. Lane, at the request of an in the Maynooth bill, and passed it by a majority eminent professor of elocution, and with a view to of 102; on Thursday he brought in that bill and exciting more attention to a subject which seems made his conciliatory speech, and he immediately not particularly well understood, undertook the took advantage of it, and the very next day, Fritranslation of it. He has cautiously avoided all day, he set the Americans at defiance, naturally surgical details, and in simply following the author, feeling that he was strong in doing justice to has placed before the public a book of rare value, Ireland (cheers)—and I tell him to go on in the although so modest and unpretending in its ap- same career, and we will set the Americans at pearance, that its real worth cannot be known defiance for him also. (Hear, hear.) At present without an examination. The chapter on chronic the quarrel appears to be carried on by the Ameriswelling of the tonsils, to a parent who for the cans blustering away at one side, and Sir Robert first time is alarmed by the enlargement of those Peel is now stoutly asserting at the other. They organs in his child, is worth more than the cost of appear like two fellows in a rage with one another, the book. The simplicity of the style, and its and each of whom is held by his friends: "Oh, freedom from technical language, fit it for common let me at him," says one-"Oh, let me at him," reading. Why should not vocalists, clergymen, cries the other. (Laughter.) I say to Peel, don't members of the bar, and, in short, all public be at him until you have secured the back of Irespeakers, study this compendium, containing as it land-do full justice to Ireland-give her the does so much that is truly useful respecting the anatomy, physiology, and diseases of the vocal apparatus? Pupils in singing schools, likewise, and in those institutions just growing into notice, in which gymnastic exercises are taught upon principles of common sense, might study it to advantage. But those especially who are engaged in elocutionary pursuits, would derive from its pages such insight into the philosophy and management of the voice, as could perhaps nowhere else be obtained in a form so compact.-Boston Medical and Surgical Journal.

management of her own Parliament in College Green, and then attack any person that dares to look crooked at you. (Cheers.)"-Examiner.

THE REPEALERS IN HIGH SPIRITS.-The Senate of America has voted the Annexation of Texas. Texas wills the combination. The President has undertaken to execute it. Texas is, in fact, a State of the American Union. England rages. Ha! gentlemen, where is Ireland now? You dare not fight, because Ireland is discontent. James Polk has sworn to observe the Constitution of America, and has spoken his inaugural address to the States. It was placid, profound, and deterTHE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND ITS LEADER. mined. Such a document has not been issued by THE new grant to Maynooth has been carried by of a usurper (!)-most worthy of the freely-chosen a legitimate king these two centuries. It is worthy the whigs. The conservatives have almost ex- Magistrate of freemen (!!) ** Well, Oregon, actly divided upon the question, about 108 having stood by the premier, and about 104 having stood Verily, these Americans are "making hay while we suppose, is pretty certain of being annexed. out against him. Of course, therefore, they go for the sun shines"-making States while Ireland is nothing. They exhibit the infirmity of a house malecontent. Canada will, we suppose, sympathize, divided against itself; and are at the mercy of any declare, and annex soon; though England, by grantexternal impulse. But the numbers of Thursday ing independence to it and to Ireland, might keep night are by no means a fair indication of the con- Canada from uniting with her great competitor servative sentiment on the present question. Even for the ocean. of the 108 who follow in the train of the triumph- feebling and dangerous provinces for two profitable England might change two enant premier, the greater part followed with folded, and lasting allies; but she won't--her destiny is to nay, with restricted, hands. They confessed be accomplished.-Nation. themselves captives to ministerial necessity. The

powers that be prevail. The fates hold every now ON Sunday, Mr. Brunel travelled in the fast and then their dread orgies, as poets and historians train from London to Exeter. The whole journey tell us, when all human scruples and calculations was performed in four hours and three quarters, are overthrown, and men find themselves the including stoppages at Swindon, Bath, and Bristol, passive instruments of uncontrollable power. For of twenty-two minutes; so that the actual time a time they have attempted to stem the tide of of travelling 196 miles was four hours twentyhuman affairs, and steer society by the ancient three minutes. The greatest speed attained on landmarks of opinion, and the consecrated chart of truth. At last a revolution, or a reform, or a coalition, overpowers in a moment the barriers of opinion, and lets in the flood of necessity. Such is the present crisis. The conservatives oppose in vain, support in vain. They have brought in a

the journey was seventy miles an hour; and at this apparently frightful velocity there was no unpleasant motion. Mr. Brunel declares, that if the directors would permit, he would undertake to perform the journey to Exeter in four hours instead of five.-Devizes Gazette.

From the Quarterly Review. our commerce here, as they have been allowed to The Crescent and the Cross; or, Romance and Re-arrest the building of our church at Jerusalem?

We will not seriously inveigh against a suggestion put forward as a mere piece of chat in the course of a traveller's narrative, but, thinking that the indulgence of national covetousness at the expense of friendly states is of itself an evil though never actually fulfilled, we would willingly chill this ardor for the spoliation of a Mahometan prince; and in order to inculcate moderation and good faith towards the Sultan, we know no better lesson than that which is to be taught by inviting a glance at the modern history, and the actual results, of French ambition in the Levant.

alities of Eastern Travel. By ELLIOT WAR"Heaven forbid! When the old man who has BURTON, Esq. London. 2 vols. 12mo. 1845. bravely won this fertile province ceases to exist, let his selfish power perish with him. Let EngWHEN the Persian ambassador in London saw land not prostitute her influence to restore emanStorr and Mortimer's shop, encumbered with its cipated Egypt to the imbecile tyranny of the piles of jewelry, and gold and silver, he declared Porte; but endeavor to infuse into the country of at once and decisively that the king of England her adoption the principles, together with the was a mere nominal sovereign-a phantom-an privileges, of freedom. Let her lay aside all douempty pageant; for, said he, "if your Shah had ble-dealing and mock-modesty-as disreputable in in him a vestige of royal power, would he not nat-the case of nations as of individuals-and boldly urally seize the immense treasures so coolly dis-assert her "right of way" through Egypt to Inplayed before him in open day by these two inso-dia, while she leaves unquestioned that of France lent merchants?" And now it would seem that if through Algiers to Timbuctoo. England, on the death of Mehemet Ali, should be "English capital and industry would make so inert, or so squeamish, as not to seize and occu- Egypt a garden; English rule would make the py the famous land of Egypt, her virtuous absti- fellah a free man; English principles would teach nence will be viewed by Mr. Warburton very him honesty and truth and as to the comparative much in the same light as that in which the Per-advantage of Turkish or English politics, let the sian ambassador regarded king George for sparing world be the judge between Asia Minor and North the silversmiths' shop. We shall presently en- America, between the influences of the Crescent deavor towards showing that our national honesty, and the Cross."-vol. ii., p. 46. in leaving the possession of Egypt to its misbelieving owners, may possibly be justified even upon the humble and popular ground of expediency: but first we must speak of Mr. Warburton's book. It is an account of a tour in the Levant, including Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Constantinople, and Greece. The author frankly calls his work the "Romance and Realities of Eastern Travel;" and, to say the truth, the romance is so well imagined, and the reality so well told, that we can hardly affect to distinguish the one from the other. The book is vastly superior to the common run of narratives, and is indeed remarkable for the color-Of course, this partial example of the difficulties ing power and the play of fancy with which its descriptions are enlivened. The writing is of a kind that indicates abilities likely to command success in the higher departments of literature. Almost every page teems with good feeling; and although that catholic-heartedness" for which the author The old policy of Versailles, in reference to the takes credit permits him to view Mahometan doc- affairs of the Levant, was conservative in its chartrines and usages with a little too much of indif- acter, and so generally coincided with the views ferentism, yet, arriving in Palestine, he willingly of England that events occurring on the further becomes the good pilgrim, and at once gives in his shores of the Mediterranean rarely furnished the adherence to the "religion of the place" with all two great rival kingdoms of the West with elethe zeal of a pious, though much hurried, Chris-ments of discord. But all was suddenly changed tian. The book, independently of its value as an when Bonaparte invaded Egypt, and coined a original narrative, comprises much useful and in- new phrase: the invasion failed-but the phrase teresting information, derived from the labors of still exerts its terrible energy; and as long as the others, and collated in a manner the very reverse relative strength of the great European powers of pedantic. Amongst these materials, and strong-shall remain divided in its present proportions, so ly contrasted with the graver and more learned portion of them, is a clever and charmingly madcap letter from Mr. Walpole: it is just what a midshipman's writing should be.

and misfortunes that have frustrated the attempts of a particular nation will not of itself be conclusive against the adoption of a similar policy by other states. It will be auxiliary only, and not all-sufficient.

long our navy estimates in every year to come will owe a great part of their bulk to the discovery of the "French Lake." It is to the Eastern shores of this famous water, and to their relations Mr. Warburton's views upon various subjects with France, that we now are turning our eyes. are thrown out somewhat lightly; but in these We will not look back to those remote and simple portions of his book we do not read him as if he ages when the "Lake" was distinguished by the were solemnly conducting a discussion with a view barbarous appellation of the "Mediterranean," of persuading his readers: it strikes us rather that but will begin with the spring, "year six" of the he uses the seeming argument as a mere vehicle" one and indivisible republic,' -a time superstifor lively and sparkling composition. Amongst tiously described in our almanacs as 1798." the views thus hazarded is the one to which we By the intermittent warfare from time to time have referred respecting the occupation of Egypt: recurring on the Hungarian frontier and the Low"Is the Porte," asks our author, "once more er Danube, the Ottoman empire, though harassed, to extend its hateful authority over this unhappy and now and then thrust back to the foot of the country, with all the withering influence which it Balcan, had not been made to feel the utmost never ceases to exercise? Shall we replace the prowess of even that half-foppish, half-warlike ignorant and fanatical followers of the Crescent in age which ended with the Brunswick Proclamathe province which became a kingdom through tion-still less of the mightier Europe that stood their imbecility, in order that they may interrupt up braced and armed for the exigencies of the

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French Revolution. The originally small, but | Africa? Yes, he might. The further he went daring, minority of men who resolved to create a the better the Directory would be pleased; and republic for France, and maintain it against all whether he formed a junction with Tippoo Sahib foes at home or abroad, thought themselves constrained by the fierce necessity of self-defence to throw away all the old fetters that interfered with the full development of their energies. War had hitherto been a pastime, just dangerous enough to furnish excitement, but rarely menacing the actual existence of great states. Princes moving their armies had found themselves perpetually embarrassed by the supposed necessity of collecting great stores, and establishing magazines and hospitals on the line of march, for the sustenance and care of their soldiery: these troublesome and expensive duties were at once repudiated by revolutionary France; she furnished enthusiasm, heroes, and bayonets-all else was to come from her neighbors from her foes, if possible; if not, from neutrals and friends.

In order to give full effect to the impetuous forces thus called into action, a commander was wanting who could direct without partaking the national enthusiasm. Frenchmen were too essentially a portion of the torrent to have the power of guiding it. France wanted a chief who could stand aloof from her in feeling, and yet give the nation full swing. Bonaparte had shown that he was the man. Associated with Robespierre's party, and even venturing a pamphlet in its support, he had never shared its fanaticism. At a subsequent period, indeed, he had so far lent himself to the government as to do it the favor of mowing down the insurgent Parisians with great completeness and skill; but his powerful intellect, and his inbred contempt of the French race, had saved him from becoming the obstinate partisan of any faction. Entrusted at length with the command of an immense gang, without jackets or shoes, but ready to fight for both, he had been able to make it into an army; and soon, the briskness with which he discomfited the periwigged ilieutenants of the Aulic Council, no less than his unflinching firmness in plundering neutrals and allies, had raised his reputation to an intolerable height-to a height so great that the overshadowed Directory was glad enough to catch at any feasible plan for ridding itself of a too powerful servant. France at this time was at peace with continental Europe. England was the enemy of the young republic, and some persons conceived therefore that England should be the country to be attacked; but this scheme was quickly abandoned, as utterly wanting in originality, besides being dreadfully dangerous.

Now it happened that the youthful conqueror of Italy, fired by a history of Alexander the Great, had been poring over his maps, and had formed what the French gravely call "some gigantic ideas." The Americans say of a piece of news that it is important if true;" in a like spirit we English habitually comment upon these schemes for wide conquest, and are ready to call them "gigantic," if only we can see that they are practicable. But in France this condition of possibility is less rigorously insisted upon; and when Bonaparte fell to dreaming, there was no one at hand both able and willing to wake him. It seemed to him in these visions that his strength was cramped by the narrow bounds of Europe. He would be an Oriental conqueror; and, accordingly, he went to the Directory, and asked if he might give "a sure blow" to England by attacking Asia and

or with the Prince of Darkness they did not much care. He seems to have really had carte blanche to attack almost any defenceless state. Might he invade the Ottoman empire on the side of Egypt? Certainly; for the friendly relations subsisting between the Porte and the French government rendered it likely that the attack would be wholly unexpected, and therefore, of course, the more sure to succeed. Might he, en passant, take Malta? The Directory faintly objected, that Malta had not only done no wrong, but had shown peculiar favor to the French by succoring their cruisers and merchantmen, and giving them opportunities for refitting: the scruple was soon overruled.

From the first conception of the Egyptian expedition up to the time of his failure before Acre, Bonaparte seems to have wavered between two very distant plans: one was to use the Eastern enterprise as a mere coup d'éclat for the augmentation of his personal fame, and to return to France after a few months with the view of pushing his fortunes in Europe; the other plan to which he looked was that of allowing himself six years to become an Alexander the Great à la Française. The concentrated selfishness of his views, and the ludicrously French contrivances by which he proposed to compass his ends, are well characterized by his own words. When asked how long he should remain in Egypt, his answer was"Either a few months, or six years: all depends on events. I shall colonize the country, and import thither artistes, workmen of all sorts, women, comedians, &c. I am only now twenty-nine; I shall then be thirty-five; that is no great age; if all succeeds, six years will enable me to reach India." It seems, we think, clear that before the preparations for the expedition were complete, the strong sense of the possible Alexander had begun to disperse his illusory hopes of becoming an Oriental conqueror; and only a short time before the day of departure arrived he made another (his second) bold push for a seat in the Directory. The intrigue, however, failed; and with a somewhat ill grace, "Bonaparte, member of the Institute" was fain to set sail for the East with a well-manned fleet, and a cloud of transports, carrying on board some 36,000 of infantry and unmounted cavalry, besides cooks, actors, dressmakers, and a small brigade of brother-savans.

Malta was seized. In due time the fleet reached the shores of Egypt: a disembarkation was effected without opposition, and in a few hours the French troops were conciliating the natives by killing their wives in the streets of Alexandria. The slaughter was stopped at last by the interference of an Osmanlee, (probably a bachelor,) who negotiated a convention for putting the French in quiet occupation of the city. The main body of the army now crossed the intervening tract of sand by a painful march, reached the Nile, and ascended its left bank to within a short distance of the Ghizeh Pyramids. Here Mourad had hastily collected his resources. He had dragged to the ground some artillery, but without carriages; and in order, therefore, to neutralize the effect of guns thus "sitting in permanence," nothing more was necessary than to keep a little out of their range: the Bey had also a vast rabble of thoroughly useless pedestrians: the only real force which he possessed was a mass of some 9000 well-mounted

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